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ARMENIA 
AND  THE  ARMENIANS 


THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 

HXW  YORK  •   BOSTON  •   CHICAGO  •   DALLAS 
ATU^NTA  •   SAM  FRANCISCO 

MACMILLAN  &  CO.,  LiMrxEO 

LONDON  •  BOMBAY  •   CALCUTTA 
MELBOURNS 

THE  MACMILLAN  CO.  OF  CANADA,  Lm 

TOKONTO 


ARMENIA 
AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

FROM   THE   EARLIEST   TIMES 
UNTIL  THE  GREAT  WAR  (1914) 

BY 

KEVORK  ASLAN 


TRANSLATED  FROM  THE  FRENCH 

BY 

PIERRE  CRABITES 


WITH  A  PREFACE  ON 
THE  EVOLUTION  OF  THE  ARMENIAN  QUESTION 

BT 

THE  TRANSLATOR 


THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 

1920 

AU  riffhtt  reserved 


COPTBIGHT,  1920 

Bt  the  macmillan  company 


Set  up  and  electrotyped.    Published  January,  xgaa 


TO 

BOGHOS  PASHA  NUBAR, 

PRESIDENT  OF  THE  AMERICAN  NATIONAL  DELEGATION, 

WHOSE  TACTFUL  LEADERSHIP  AND  UNREMITTING 

DEVOTION  TO  THE  CAUSE  OF  HIS  RACE  HAS 

MADE  EVERY  LOVER  OF  FREEDOM 

HIS  DEBTOR,  THIS  WORK  IS 

DEDICATED 


PREFATORY  NOTE 

In  1908  the  author  published  at  Paris,  in  the 
French  language,  an  octavo  volume  of  some  500 
pages  entitled  "  Etudes  Historiques  sur  le  Peuple 
Armenien,"  covering  the  history  of  Armenia  from 
the  earliest  times  to  the  eleventh  century.  This 
edition  is  now  out  of  print.  Subsequently  there  was 
also  published  in  French  a  condensed  edition  of  the 
same  work,  carrying  the  story,  however,  from  the 
earliest  times  down  to  the  present  day.  The  first 
edition  of  this  smaller  volume  having  been  exhausted 
a  new  and  revised  edition  has  been  prepared  for 
publication  in  French  and  it  has  been  thought  appro- 
priate to  issue  contemporaneously  therewith  an  Eng- 
lish translation. 

The  author  ventures  to  express  the  hope  that  the 
English  edition  of  his  work  will  meet  with  the  same 
favor  that  has  been  accorded  the  original  French 
text. 

In  issuing  this  English  edition  it  has  been  deemed 
necessary,  in  quite  a  number  of  instances,  to  depart 
from  the  French  transliteration  of  Armenian,  Per- 
sian and  other  foreign  names.  The  phonetic  value 
of  certain  English  letters  differs  somewhat  from  the 
sound  which  the  French  associate  with  the  same 
character  and  this  difference  has  made  it  necessary  to 
modify  the  transliteration  of  the  Oriental  original. 

In  other  cases  it  has  been  found  that  a  well-estab- 
vil 


viii  PREFATORY  NOTE 

lished  English  custom  has  consecrated,  as  it  were,  a 
certain  spelling  which,  from  a  scientific  point  of  view, 
is  absolutely  indefensible  and  clearly  shows  that  a 
Greek  corruption  of  the  Armenian  or  Persian  form 
has  found  its  way  into  English  nomenclature.  In 
such  instances  it  has  been  considered  better  to  fol- 
low established  usages. 

Then  again  as  Armenia  and  the  other  territory 
referred  to  in  this  volume  have  been  overrun  at  vari- 
ous times  by  many  different  races  it  has  come  about 
that  many  places  are  known  under  different  names. 
Here  it  has  been  thought  best  to  adopt  what  is  felt 
to  be  more  common  designation  and  to  add  a  foot- 
note indicating  some  of  the  other  forms. 

In  order  to  accentuate  the  manifold  difficulties  in- 
herent in  a  work  of  the  instant  character  it  is  now 
pointed  out  that  there  are  two  ways  of  pronouncing 
several  Armenian  letters;  one  mode  obtains  among 
the  Armenians  of  the  Caucasus,  that  is  to  say,  in  the 
East,  and  the  other  among  occidental  Armenians  and 
principally  among  those  inhabiting  Constantinople. 

Example :  — 


Oriental  form 

Occidental  form 

F. 

b 

P 

t 

g 

c 

«■ 

d 

t 

k 



c 

g 

m 

t 

d 

It  is  considered  that  the  standard  accepted  in  the 
East  is  the  better  form  and  it  is  therefore  adopted  as 
the  basis  of  the  transliteration  followed  out  in  this 
volume.     This  deduction  is  founded  upon  tests  pred- 


PREFATORY  NOTE  ix 

icated  upon  certain  Armenian  names  which  have  been 
handed  down  in  a  transliterated  Greek  form. 

Painstaking  care  has  not  been  spared  to  fulfill  with 
success  a  difficult  task.  These  explanations  are  not 
set  forth  for  the  purpose  of  escaping  responsibility 
for  such  omission  or  errors  as  may  obtain  but  rather 
in  order  that  an  indulgent  pubHc,  in  arriving  at  its 
verdict,  may  not  be  unaware  of  the  besetting  diffi- 
culties which  it  has  been  sought  to  overcome. 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  THE 
ARMENIAN  QUESTION 

Hidden  away  in  Western  Asia,  between  the  Cau- 
casus, the  Black  Sea  and  the  Mediterranean,  lies 
a  high  table-land  of  about  the  superficial  area  of 
France.  There  is  found,  in  the  picturesque  lan- 
guage of  M.  Paul  Deschanel,  the  distinguished  Pres- 
ident of  the  French  Chamber  of  Deputies,  the  cradle 
of  "  an  intelligent,  laborious,  cultivated  people, 
which,  joining  Asiatic  quickness  of  perception  to  the 
spirit,  the  soul  of  Europe,  has  ever  been  the  sentinel 
of  Greco-Latin  civilization  in  the  Orient." 

Long  before  the  Christian  Era,  and  until  A.  D.  i, 
and  then  again  for  a  further  period  of  four  centuries, 
within  this  territory,  where  the  Euphrates  and  the 
Tigris  find  their  source,  flourished  the  kingdom  of 
Armenia,  a  prosperous  state  containing,  one  author- 
ity states,  as  many  as  30,000,000  inhabitants.  To- 
day it  no  longer  enjoys  even  the  semblance  of  an 
autonomous  existence.  Part  of  it  is  comprised 
within  what  was  formerly  the  Russian  Empire  and 
while  most  of  the  remainder  is  incorporated  in  the 
Ottoman  Empire,  there  is  also  a  small  fraction  now 
included  in  Persia.  Turkish  Armenia  is  a  vast, 
sparsely  settled  area,  peopled  by  the  remnants  of  an 
hardy  race  which,  for  hundreds  of  years,  has  suf- 
fered relentless  persecutions  on  account  of  its  staunch 
adherence  to  the  Christian  religion. 

xi       ^ 


xii         THE  ARMENIAN  QUESTION 

The  Armenian  massacres  are  known  of  all  men 
who  have  taken  even  a  passing  interest  in  current 
events  and  it  is  deemed  to  be  a  work  of  supereroga- 
tion to  rehearse  a  sad  story  which  is  far  too  well 
known.  Nevertheless  certain  value  may  be  at- 
tached to  an  ofiicial  communication  addressed  to  Vis- 
count Bryce  on  August  7,  19 16,  by  an  ex-President 
of  the  American  Bar  Association  who  had  been 
charged  with  the  examination  of  "  the  volume  which 
contains  the  statements  regarding  the  treatment  of 
the  Armenians  by  the  Turks  during  the  year  19 15- 
19 1 6  in  order  to  determine  the  value  of  these  state- 
ments as  evidence."  "  In  my  opinion,"  reads  the 
report,  "  the  evidence  which  you  print  is  as  reliable 
as  that  upon  which  rests  our  belief  in  many  of  the 
universally  admitted  facts  of  history,  and  I  think  it 
establishes  beyond  any  reasonable  doubt  the  delib- 
erate purpose  of  the  Turkish  authorities  practically 
to  exterminate  the  Armenians,  and  their  responsibil- 
ity for  the  hideous  atrocities  which  have  been  perpe- 
trated upon  that  unhappy  people."  ^ 

With  this  postulate  clearly  defined  and  estab- 
lished, no  attempt  will  be  made  in  these  introductory 
lines  to  rely  upon  ancient  history  for  cumulative 
proof  of  the  truth  of  the  findings  just  set  forth,  but 
the  Armenian  question  will  be  dealt  with  in  this  pre- 
liminary sketch  as  a  modern,  live  issue.  While  ref- 
erence will  be  made  to  regulations  going  back  some 
seventy-five  years  it  will  be  because  such  a  retrospect 
is  necessary  to  give  the  proper  background  to  the 
picture.  No  statement  will  be  made  which  cannot 
be  supported  by  indisputable  evidence  and  in  many 

^Blue  Book  —  Miscellaneous  No.  31    (1916).    The  treatment  of 
the  Armenians  in  the  Ottoman  Empire. 


THE  ARMENIAN  QUESTION        xiii 

instances  official  records  will  be  the  authorities  in- 
voked. 

After  the  massacre  by  the  Turks  of  the  Greeks  at 
Constantinople,  in  1821,  and  in  the  island  of  Chios, 
in  1822,  Europe  exacted  of  Sultan  Mahmoud  II  a 
solemn  promise  that  reforms  would  be  introduced 
into  Turkey.  In  order  to  avoid  an  European  inter- 
vention, Abdul  Medjid,  son  of  Mahmoud,  upon  his 
accession  to  the  throne  in  1839,  issued  a  decree  guar- 
anteeing that  reforms  ( Tanzimat)  would  be  put  into 
effect.  When,  notwithstanding  these  assurances, 
the  Christians  of  the  Lebanon  were  slaughtered  in 
1845,  Europe  again  made  its  voice  heard  and,  in  due 
course,  the  Sultan  promulgated,  in  1856,  another 
ukase  confirming  and  amplifying  the  original  order 
of  1839.  On  the  very  morrow  of  these  promises 
occurred  new  massacres  at  Djeddah,  as  well  as  in 
Syria,  and  shortly  thereafter  opened  the  bloody 
chapter  of  Zeitoun. 

Things  went  from  bad  to  worse  and  in  time  the 
Turco-Russian  war  of  1 877-1 878  broke  out.  The 
Russian  Armenians  did  their  full  duty.  When,  to 
prevent  the  victorious  troops  of  the  Czar  from  en- 
tering Constantinople,  the  Sultan  signed  the  Treaty 
of  San  Stefano,  article  sixteen  enacted  that  "  as  the 
evacuation  by  the  Russian  troops  of  territory  by 
them  occupied  in  Armenia  and  which  is  to  be  resti- 
tuted to  Turkey  may  give  rise  to  conflicts  and  create 
complications  prejudicial  to  the  maintenance  of  good 
relations  between  the  two  countries,  the  Sublime 
Porte  binds  itself  to  put  into  effect,  without  further 
delay,  in  the  provinces  inhabited  by  the  Armenians, 
such  reforms  and  improvements,  as  may  be  necessi- 
tated by  local  needs,  and  to  guarantee  the  security 


xiv        THE  ARMENIAN  QUESTION 

of  the  Armenians  from  attacks  by  the  Kurds  and 
the  Circassians." 

When  the  intervention  of  the  Powers  threw  the 
Treaty  of  San  Stefano  into  the  melting  pot  and 
brought  about  the  Berlin  Conference  (June  13-July 
13,  1878),  the  Armenian  ecclesiastical  authorities 
there  appeared  and  set  forth  the  aspirations  and  de- 
sires of  their  people.  However,  before  the  Con- 
gress had  convened  England  and  Turkey  had,  on 
June  4,  1878,  entered  into  an  understanding  known 
as  the  convention  of  Cyprus,  which  contained  but  one 
single  article,  which  has  fallen  into  such  oblivion  that 
it  may  be  cited  in  full.  Here  are  its  terms :  — 
"  Should  Russia  keep  possession  of  Batoum,  Arda- 
han  and  Kars,  or  of  any  one  of  them,  or  should  any 
attempt  be  made  by  Russia  at  any  epoch  whatsoever, 
to  seize  any  other  part  of  the  Asiatic  territory  of 
H.  I.  M.  the  Sultan,  as  said  territory  may  be  defined 
by  the  definitive  treaty  of  peace,  then  and  in  that 
event  England  binds  herself  to  take  up  arms  for  the 
defense  of  the  territory  in  question.  On  the  other 
hand  H.  I.  M.  the  Sultan  promises  England  to  intro- 
duce such  reforms  (to  be  defined  at  a  subsequent 
date  between  the  Powers)  as  may  be  necessary 
for  an  orderly  administration  and  the  protection  of 
the  Christian  and  other  subjects  of  the  Sublime 
Porte ;  and  in  order  that  England  may  be  in  a  posi- 
tion to  assure  the  necessary  means  for  the  execu- 
tion of  her  engagement,  H.  I.  M.  the  Sultan  consents 
to  assign  unto  her  the  island  of  Cyprus,  to  be  by 
her  occupied  and  administered." 

When  the  delegates  to  the  Berlin  Conference  as- 
sembled around  the  green  table,  speaking  of  article 
sixteen  of  the  Treaty  of  San  Stefano,  Lord  Salisbury 


THE  ARMENIAN  QUESTION         xv 

pointed  out  that  he  was  prepared  to  accept  the  draft 
in  respect  to  "  reforms  and  improvements  "  pro- 
vided the  first  lines  were  eliminated,  which  seemed  to 
make  the  withdrawal  of  the  Russian  troops  contin- 
gent upon  the  grant  of  the  reforms.  In  due  course 
the  article,  as  amended,  became  Article  Sixty-one  of 
the  Treaty  of  Berlin.  It  carried,  however,  a  rider 
to  the  effect  that  "  Turkey  shall,  from  time  to  time, 
advise  the  Powers  of  the  nature  of  the  measures 
which  have  been  taken,  it  being  also  understood  that 
the  Powers  shall  have  the  right  to  superintend  the 
application  of  the  measures." 

Prolific  in  promises,  but  sterile  in  execution,  Tur- 
key abstained  from  living  up  to  her  guarantees,  and 
on  June  ii,  1880,  the  several  Powers  simultaneously 
addressed  an  identical  note  to  the  Sultan  setting 
forth  that,  notwithstanding  the  specific  undertaking 
given  by  the  Sublime  Porte,  nothing  had  been  done 
to  carry  the  reforms  into  execution  and  adding  that 
"  all  of  the  reports  emanating  from  the  Agents  of 
the  Powers  prove  that  the  condition  of  the  Arme- 
nian provinces  is  most  deplorable." 

Such  epistolary  zeal  accomplished  nothing  and 
further  letter  writing  ensued  in  which,  on  September 
7,  1880,  the  Ottoman  Government  was  advised  that 
"  a  careful  study  of  its  reply  had  shown  that  the 
propositions  submitted  by  it  answered  neither  to  the 
letter  nor  to  the  spirit  of  Article  Sixty-one  of  the 
Treaty  of  Berlin." 

Constantinople,  in  answering,  took  the  position 
that  it  would  handle  the  situation  as  the  case  re- 
quired, and  from  and  after  this  there  appears  to 
have  followed  a  period  of  silence. 

But  the  reforms  were  not   executed   and   from 


xvi        THE  ARMENIAN  QUESTION 

August  21  to  September  4,  1894,  the  massacres  of 
Sassoun  were  carried  out.  Europe  awoke  from  its 
lethargy  on  May  ii,  1895,  and  compelled  the  Sultan 
to  agree  to  a  new  program  of  reform  applicable  to 
what  is  known  as  the  six  Armenian  Vilayets.  Abdul 
Hamid  promulgated  the  necessary  decree  and  his- 
tory reports  that  he  simultaneously  ordered  the  mas- 
sacres of  1895  ^^^  1896. 

In  due  course  the  Young  Turks  came  upon 
the  scene  and  even  greater  and  more  systematic 
slaughter  ensued,  principally  in  little  Armenia  or 
Cilicia. 

As  the  new  Ottoman  regime  had  been  swept  into 
power  upon  a  platform  having  liberalism  as  its  key- 
note and  as  its  leaders  denied  that  they  were  respon- 
sible for  the  outrages  and  insisted  that  the  blood- 
shed was  but  a  recrudescence  of  the  old  governmental 
policy,  reprobated  by  them,  Europe  abstained  from 
active  interference  and  the  death  of  numberless 
Christians  was  the  price  of  such  credulity.  How- 
ever, when  the  Balkan  war  broke  out  the  entire  Near 
East  was  alive  to  the  new  issues  thereby  created  and 
the  Armenian  ecclesiastical  authorities,  acting  for 
the  whole  people,  brought  about  the  creation  of  an 
official  Armenian  delegation  which  devoted  its 
efforts  to  systematic  insistence  upon  an  observance 
of  the  conditions  of  the  Treaty  of  Berlin. 

Turkey,  true  to  precedent,  agreed  to  introduce 
*'  reforms  and  improvements,"  and,  on  February 
5,  19 14,  a  firman  issued  providing  that  delegates 
should  be  chosen  from  among  certain  of  the  neutral 
nations  charged  with  the  execution  of  the  new  reg- 
ulations. The  Dutch  and  Norwegian  delegates  had 
barely  reached  their  posts  when  the  great  war  broke 


THE  ARMENIAN  QUESTION       xvii 

out.     The  official  report  before  cited  gives  the  latest 
chapter  of  the  tragedy. 

From  the  date  of  the  Treaty  of  Berlin  until  the 
entry  of  Turkey  into  the  war,  as  an  Ally  of  the 
Central  Powers,  the  Armenian  question  was  looked 
upon  by  European  diplomatists  and  public  opinion 
as  forming  part  and  parcel  of  the  internal  polity  of 
the  Ottoman  Empire.  While  no  one,  in  the  Occi- 
dent, sought  to  question  that  grievous  injustice  had 
been  done  the  Armenians  and  that  reforms  were 
imperative  in  "  the  provinces  inhabited  by  the  Ar- 
menians " —  the  word  Armenia  was  not  even  uttered 
—  the  whole  discussion  was  predicated  upon  recogni- 
tion of  Turkish  hegemony.  If  the  term  "  auton- 
omy "  appeared  in  the  original  draft  submitted  by 
Russia  to  Turkey  during  the  preliminaries  leading 
to  the  peace  of  San  Stefano,  such  language  was 
carefully  expurgated  from  the  article  as  enacted. 

So  absolutely  was  the  maintenance  of  the  integrity 
of  the  Turkish  Empire  the  corner  stone  of  Euro- 
pean diplomacy,  that  when  war  broke  out  the  En- 
tente Powers  agreed  that,  should  Turkey  remain 
neutral,  "  to  give  her  a  collective  guarantee  in  writ- 
ing that  they  would  respect  the  independence  and  in- 
tegrity of  the  Ottoman  Empire  and  would  bind 
themselves  that,  at  the  close  of  the  war,  no  clause 
would  be  inserted  into  the  Treaty  of  Peace  in  any 
wise  adversely  affecting  the  said  independence  and 
integrity."  ^ 

Turkey's  suicidal  policy  at  once  readjusted  the  en- 
tire focus  of  European  politics  and,  as  a  corollary, 
caused  the  Armenian  question  to  enter  a  new  phase. 

2  Blue  Book   (1914),  No.  28.    Events  leading  to  the  rupture  of 
relations  with  Turkey. 


xviii      THE  ARMENIAN  QUESTION 

It  was  now  no  longer  a  matter  of  Turkish  re- 
forms ;  nor  was  autonomy  under  Ottoman  suzerainty 
given  even  a  passing  thought. 

On  the  contrary  negotiations  were  entered  into  by 
France,  England  and  Russia  which  were  predicated 
upon  a  dismemberment  of  the  Ottoman  Empire. 
The  best  available  evidence  as  to  the  terms  of  the 
pact  places  Western  Armenia  within  the  zone  of 
influence  allotted  to  France  and  assigns  Eastern  Ar- 
menia to  Russia. 

The  inevitable  logic  of  events  forced  the  United 
States  into  the  war,  and  on  January  8,  191 8,  Presi- 
dent Wilson  articulated  his  program  of  peace. 
Point  XII  declares  that  "  the  Turkish  portions  of 
the  present  Ottoman  Empire  should  be  assured  a 
secure  sovereignty,  but  the  other  nationalities,  which 
are  now  under  Turkish  rule,  should  be  assured  an 
undoubted  security  of  life  and  an  absolutely  unmo- 
lested opportunity  of  autonomous  development." 

As  both  belligerent  groups  have  accepted  Point 
XII  in  its  entirety  this  recognition  of  the  principle 
therein  formulated  left  no  doubt  as  to  the  right  of 
the  Armenians  to  enjoy  the  blessings  of  autonomy. 
As  a  matter  of  mere  historical  interest  it  may  be 
mentioned  that  the  two  European  Powers,  to  which 
were  allotted  Eastern  and  Western  Armenia,  respec- 
tively, in  the  Anglo-Franco-Russian  accord  of  19 16 
have  expressed  themselves  in  favor  of  autonomy  in 
a  manner  which  is  not  lacking  in  definiteness. 

Speaking  in  the  French  Chamber  of  Deputies,  De- 
cember 27,  19 1 7,  M.  Stephen  Pichon,  then  and  now 
Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  declared  that  "  an 
adherence  to  the  policy  of  the  rights  of  nationalities 
has  ever  been  the  honor  of  our  traditions  and  of 


THE  ARMENIAN  QUESTION         xix 

our  history.  It  applies,  as  we  view  it,  to  the  Arme' 
nian,  Syrian  and  Lebanese  populations,  as  it  does  to 
all  peoples  who  suffer,  against  their  will,  the  yoke  of 
the  oppressor,  be  he  whom  he  may.  Such  peoples 
have  a  right  to  our  sympathy,  to  our  help.  All  of 
them  should  be  given  an  opportunity  of  deciding 
their  own  fate." 

The  Russian  attitude  is  of  even  more  far-reaching 
import.  An  official  decree  published  January  13, 
19 1 8,  enacts  that  "  the  Council  of  the  Commission- 
ers oiF  the  People  declare  unto  the  Armenian  people 
that  the  government  of  the  working  men  and  peas- 
ants of  Russia  upholds  the  right  of  the  Armenians, 
of  Turkish  Armenia,  occupied  by  Russia,  freely  to 
define  their  own  status,  including,  within  the  purview 
of  this  language,  the  right  to  declare  themselves 
independent." 

Pretermitting  any  attempt  to  decide  who  is  em- 
powered to  speak  in  the  name  of  Russia  the  prin- 
ciple formulated  by  President  Wilson  has,  by  the 
unanimous  acceptance  of  friend  and  enemy,  removed 
from  the  domain  of  doubt  the  right  of  the  Armenians 
to  complete  autonomy. 

The  kaleidoscopic  changes  which  have  occurred 
upon  the  world's  horizon  within  the  past  few  months 
have  relegated  autonomy  to  the  background  and 
substituted  in  its  place  the  principle  of  complete  inde- 
pendence for  Armenia. 

This  evolution  of  the  Armenian  question  has  been 
clearly  foreshadowed  by  the  line  of  conduct  pur- 
sued in  respect  to  the  constituent  elements  of  the 
former  Austro-Hungarian  Empire,  for  an  examina- 
tion of  the  language  of  Point  XII  and  of  Point  X 
shows  beyond  peradventure  that  both  are  inspired 


XX         THE  ARMENIAN  QUESTION 

by  the  same  dominant  thought  and  that  is,  that  the 
various  elements  owing  allegiance  to  the  Hapsburg 
dynasty  and  the  non-Turkish  units  of  the  Ottoman 
Empire  "  should  be  accorded  the  freest  opportunity 
of  autonomous  government."  In  other  words  the 
constituent  elements  of  the  two  realms  have  been 
assimilated  to  one  another  within  the  limits  before 
set  forth. 

Now  since  January  8,  191 8,  the  Czeco-Slovac  and 
the  Jugo-Slav  republics  have  been  recognized  by 
America  and  the  governments  associate  with  her, 
even  although  the  language  of  Point  X  contemplated 
not  independence  but  autonomy. 

Far  from  desiring,  even  by  implication,  to  cast  a 
doubt  upon  the  wisdom  of  this  decision,  reference 
thereto  has  been  suggested  by  the  fact  that  notwith- 
standing the  close  analogy  maintained,  in  principle, 
between  "  the  peoples  of  Austria-Hungary  "  and  the 
non-Turkish  elements  of  the  Ottoman  Empire,  at 
the  present  moment  Armenian  independence  has  not 
been  officially  recognized. 

It  is  believed,  however,  that  official  recognition  of 
Armenian  independence  cannot  be  long  deferred, 
particularly  as  the  revendications  submitted  to  the 
Peace  Conference  by  the  Armenian  National  Dele- 
gation, February  12,  19 19,  specifically  ask  for  "  the 
recognition  of  an  independent  Armenian  state, 
formed  by  the  union  of  the  seven  vilayets  and  of 
Cilicia  to  the  territory  of  the  Armenian  Republic." 

Humanity  cannot  turn  a  deaf  ear  to  a  plea  which 
thus  embodies  a  legitimate  national  aspiration,  but 
due  regard  for  the  opinion  of  mankind  necessitates 
an  inquiry  as  to  whether  Armenia  fulfills  those  re- 
quirements which,  in  the  opinion  of  the  world,  amply 


THE  ARMENIAN  QUESTION         xxi 

warrant  the  policy  pursued  as  regards  the  Slavonic 
Republics. 

Ethnically  the  Armenians  constitute  a  race  and 
thus  possess  the  primary  element  of  homogeneous- 
ness. 

They  have  a  language  of  their  own  and  a  litera- 
ture of  their  own  and  traditions  of  their  own  hal- 
lowed by  time  and  sanctified  by  the  blood  of  count- 
less martyrs. 

In  the  Orient  religion  and  nationality  are  synony- 
mous terms.  The  Armenians  have  been  persecuted 
because  of  their  religion  but  have  preferred  death  to 
apostasy.  That  subdivision  of  Christianity  into 
irreconcilable  sects,  which  lends  such  inextricable 
complication  to  the  Balkan  question,  does  not  obtain 
in  Armenia.  There,  with  practical  unanimity,  the 
entire  Christian  population  owes  allegiance  to  the 
Armenian  National  Church,  whose  spiritual  head  is 
known  as  the  Catholicos.  Riveted  together  by  a 
community  of  sufferings,  welded  into  one  compact 
unit  by  the  torch  and  flame  of  the  Turkish  despoiler, 
hammered  into  an  indissoluble  confraternity  by  the 
blows  of  the  Muslim  tyrant,  when  their  bodies  are 
not  cut  asunder  by  his  bayonet,  and  fortified  by  the 
prayers  of  their  dead,  the  Armenians  of  to-day  know 
but  one  God,  but  one  church,  but  one  religion  and 
owe  apostolic  fealty  to  but  one  head. 

Historically  a  nation,  with  a  past  replete  with 
glorious  achievements,  the  Armenian  people  have 
clung  as  tenaciously  to  their  national  aspirations  as 
they  have  to  the  tenets  of  their  creed. 

Thus  uniting  all  of  the  essential  prerequisites  of  an 
independent  existence  it  becomes  manifest  that  Ar- 
menia is  entitled  to  be  admitted  into  the  family  of 


xxii       THE  ARMENIAN  QUESTION 

nations  unless  her  people  have,  notwithstanding 
their  religious  loyalty,  failed  in  other  essentials. 

The  stern  facts  of  history  will  answer,  but  before 
undertaking  this  analysis  it  is  well  to  record  that  in 
the  spring  of  191 8,  when  the  Central  Powers  and 
Turkey  were  discounting  the  effect  of  their  advance 
on  Paris,  it  had  been  covenanted  and  agreed,  by  and 
between  Germany  and  her  allies,  to  form  out  of  the 
Caucasian  portion  of  Russian  Armenia  an  inde- 
pendent Armenian  Republic.  Thus  had  a  group  of 
nations,  which  knew  not  the  meaning  of  liberalism, 
admitted  the  principle  of  a  free  state  in  Armenia. 

In  an  official  communication,  dated  the  Foreign 
Office,  October  3,  191 8,  addressed  to  Viscount 
Bryce  by  Lord  Robert  Cecil,  British  Under  Secre- 
tary of  State  for  Foreign  Affairs,  it  is  placed  on 
record  that, 

"  I.  In  the  autumn  of  19 14  the  Turks  sent  emis- 
saries to  the  National  Congress  of  the  Ottoman 
Armenians  then  sitting  at  Erzroum  and  made  them 
offers  of  autonomy  if  they  would  actively  assist  Tur- 
key in  the  war.  The  Armenians  replied  that  they 
would  do  their  duty  individually  as  Ottoman  sub- 
jects, but  that  as  a  nation  they  could  not  work  for 
the  cause  of  Turkey  and  her  Allies. 

"  2.  On  account,  in  part,  of  this  courageous  re- 
fusal, the  Ottoman  Armenians  were  systematically 
murdered  by  the  Turkish  Government  in  19 15. 
Two-thirds  of  the  population  were  exterminated  by 
the  most  cold-blooded  and  fiendish  methods,  more 
than  700,000  people,  men,  women  and  children  alike. 

*'  3.  From  the  beginning  of  the  war  that  half  of 
the  Armenian  nation  which  was  under  the  sover- 
eignty of  Russia  organized  volunteer  forces  and  un- 


THE  ARMENIAN  QUESTION      xxiii 

der  their  heroic  leader  Andranik  bore  the  brunt  of 
some  of  the  heaviest  fighting  in  the  Caucasian  cam- 
paigns." 

Comment  is  useless.  Fifty-three  thousand  Amer- 
icans laid  down  their  lives  on  the  fields  of  France 
that  militarism  might  be  uprooted;  "  700,000  men, 
women  and  children  alike  "  went  to  their  graves  be- 
cause their  official  representatives  spurned  an  au- 
tonomy purchased  at  the  price  of  active  opposition 
to  the  cause  of  the  Allies.  Such  a  decision  adds  to 
the  probative  value  of  any  argument  the  impassioned 
plea  of  despoiled  virgins,  disemboweled  mothers 
and  tortured  infants. 

To-day  the  same  responsible  British  statesman, 
from  whose  official  utterances  such  a  lengthy  excerpt 
has  just  been  made,  has  expressed  his  own  views  as 
to  the  treatment  which  should  be  accorded  Armenia 
in  words  which  blaze  the  path  which  should  be  fol- 
lowed. He  declared  in  the  House  of  Commons  on 
November  18,  19 18,  that  "in  my  personal  opinion 
the  future  of  Armenia  should  be  turned  over  to  the 
League  of  Nations."  "  It  is  difficult  to  establish 
during  a  debate,"  he  said,  "  the  future  frontiers  of 
Armenia  but  there  should  not  there  remain  a  ves- 
tige of  Turkish  government." 

Just  a  few  days  previous  to  the  date  of  this  declar- 
ation His  Excellency  Boghos  Nubar  Pasha,  Presi- 
dent of  the  Armenian  delegation,  granted  an  inter- 
view to  the  Paris  Libre  Parole  in  which  he  made  it 
perfectly  clear  that  the  Armenian  people  desired  no 
further  contact  of  any  kind  with  the  Ottoman  Em- 
pire. "  Our  second  hope,"  said  this  official  spokes- 
man, "  is  that  the  new  Armenian  state,  which  will 
adopt  a   republican  form  of  government,  may  be 


xxiv      THE  ARMENIAN  QUESTION 

placed  under  the  aegis  of  the  liberating  Powers,  who, 
instead  of  creating  a  condominium  of  any  kind, 
should  delegate  one  of  their  own  group  to  act  as 
the  guardian  of  the  new  state  until  the  Armenian 
people  feel  that  they  can  govern  themselves.  If 
protection  or  guardianship  is  referred  to,  rather 
than  condominium,  it  is  because,  under  the  latter 
regime,  friction  has  been  known  to  occur  which  ad- 
versely affects  the  interests  administered.  The  in- 
spiring example  of  the  success  attained  by  the  Cuban 
Republic,  whose  people  the  United  States  educated 
before  launching  them  alone  in  the  world,  affords  a 
proof  that  guardianship  best  answers  the  needs  of 
our  people." 

As  to  the  territorial  ambitions  of  the  Armenian 
nation  the  interview  makes  it  clear  that  "  the  future 
state  should  comprise  all  of  that  area  which  was  for- 
merly Turkish  Armenia."  And  the  distinguished 
delegate,  in  concluding,  expressed  his  conviction 
"  that  the  enlightened  policy  of  Europe  would  deal 
fairly  with  the  new  nation  in  respect  to  that  part  of 
Armenia  which  has  long  owed  allegiance  to  Russia, 
particularly  in  view  of  the  reorganization  of  the 
Muscovite  Power." 

Inasmuch  as  the  Anglo-Franco-Russian  accord  of 
19 1 6  had  established  that  Eastern  Armenia  should 
fall  within  the  zone  of  French  Influence  It  Is  well  to 
insist,  at  this  point,  that  at  the  sitting  of  the  House 
of  Commons  held  December  4,  19 16,  the  Under  Sec- 
retary of  State  for  Foreign  Affairs  gave  categorical 
assurance  that  "  the  agreement  entered  Into  In  no 
sense  contemplated  annexation." 

The  true  Inwardness  of  the  accord  was,  that 
France  and  England  were  compelled  to  take  steps 


THE  ARMENIAN  QUESTION        xxv 

for  their  own  protection  to  counterbalance  the  enor- 
mous development  accruing  to  Russia  as  the  result 
of  her  proposed  annexation  of  Constantinople  and 
of  the  country  tributary  thereto.  The  elimination 
of  Russia  as  a  great  power  to-day  places  the  case  in 
a  different  light. 

Not  only  the  welfare  of  the  new  nation,  but  the 
tranquillity  of  the  world,  requires  that  the  frontiers 
of  Armenia  be  so  traced  as  to  permit  of  the  normal 
development  of  her  resources.  She  must  be  ac- 
corded that  which  Point  XI  assures  unto  Servia  and 
that  is  "  free  and  secure  access  to  the  sea."  This  is 
axiomatic. 

A  high  range  of  mountains  separates  Armenia 
from  the  Black  Sea.  The  scene  of  the  massacres  of 
the  Young  Turks  and  of  the  final  bulwark  of  Arme- 
nian independence  was  that  part  of  the  territory 
known  as  Little  Armenia  or  Cilicia.  This  area, 
doubly  sacred  as  the  symbol  of  the  last  vestige  of 
national  liberty  and  as  the  grave  of  so  many  thou- 
sands of  patriots,  borders  upon  the  Mediterranean 
and  it  is  there  that  the  new  state  should  find  "  its 
free  and  secure  access  to  the  sea." 

The  working  out  of  the  details  of  the  exact  delim- 
itation of  the  boundary  lines  can  well  be  left  to  tech- 
nical advisers,  but  so  important  is  it  for  the  main- 
tenance of  a  lasting  peace  that  nothing  may  be  done 
which  may  be  the  cause  of  "  introducing  new  or  per- 
petuating old  elements  of  discord  and  antagonism  " 
that  it  cannot  be  too  strongly  urged  that  there  are 
interests  more  sacred  than  those  of  Armenia  which 
require  that  a  Mediterranean  seaboard  be  assured 
unto  her. 

Viewing  the  matter  from  all  angles  it  may  be  in- 


3avi       THE  ARMENIAN  QUESTION 

ferred  that  the  Armenian  question  is  now  assuming 
its  definitive  shape.  Reforms  gave  way  to  auton- 
omy and  the  logic  of  events,  forecasted  by  the  recog- 
nition accorded  the  Slavonic  Republics  and  empha- 
sized by  the  official  demands  of  the  Armenian  Na- 
tional Delegation,  apparently  indicates  that  auton- 
omy must  be  discarded  in  favor  of  independence, 
along  such  rational,  conservative  but  withal  inher- 
ently liberal  lines  as  proposed  by  the  Armenian  offi- 
cial delegate. 

As  to  the  means  of  carrying  into  execution  such  a 
plan,  as  to  the  details  thereof  and  the  selection  of 
the  nation  charged  with  the  humanitarian  role  of 
guardian  of  this  martyred  people,  this  inquiry  will 
not  attempt  to  deal.  It  was  just  in  this  same  sense 
that,  in  a  public  address,  delivered  January  6,  191 8, 
the  British  Prime  Minister,  Lloyd  George,  declared 
that  "  in  his  opinion  Armenia  is  entitled  to  have  its 
separate  national  existence  recognized,  but  that  no 
attempt  will  be  made  at  this  time  to  define  the  exact 
form  which  should  be  given  to  this  recognition."  It 
was  therefore  stated  in  the  House  of  Commons  on 
July  II,  1918,  by  the  British  Foreign  Secretary  that 
"  In  so  far  as  concerns  the  future  of  Armenia  I  shall 
simply  recall  the  public  declarations  made  by  the 
leading  public  men  of  the  Allies.  This  future  will 
be  decided  according  to  the  principles  indicated  by 
the  Right  Honorable  Gentleman:  the  right  of  all 
peoples  to  dispose  of  themselves." 

It  is  felt  that  now  that  the  "  Age  of  Absolutism  " 
has  passed  and  "  the  Era  of  Nationalities  "  has  be- 
gun that  such  solemn  ministerial  declarations  may 
be  relied  upon.  Nevertheless  eternal  vigilance  is  the 
price  of  liberty  and  it  must  never  be  forgotten  that 


THE  ARMENIAN  QUESTION      xxvii 

before  America  entered  the  family  of  nations  it  was 
under  the  aegis  of  principles  proclaiming  self-deter- 
mination, justice  and  liberty  that  the  name  of  Poland 
was  obliterated  from  the  map  of  Europe. 

The  first  partition  of  Poland  was  carried  out,  in 
the  name  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  July  25,  1772.  Nine 
years  before  this  outrage  was  perpetrated,  Frederick 
Augustus  II  of  Poland  passed  away  and  Frederick 
of  Prussia  took  advantage  of  this  vacancy  to  issue 
a  statement  to  the  effect  that  "  the  false  reports 
which  are  spread  abroad,  and  which  the  enemies  of 
public  tranquillity  do  not  cease  to  propagate,  that  the 
Courts  of  Prussia  and  Russia  wish  to  profit  by  the 
present  circumstances  to  dismember  Poland  or  Lith- 
uania have  induced  the  undersigned  to  deny  them; 
for  far  from  wishing  to  aggrandize  himself,  His 
Majesty,  the  king  of  Prussia,  labors  and  will  con- 
stantly continue  to  labor,  only  to  maintain  the  states 
of  the  Republic  in  their  entirety." 

Maria  Theresa  of  Austria  also  declared,  in  a 
most  solemn  manner,  that  she  considered  the  Repub- 
lic of  Poland  "  a  sovereign  and  independent  state, 
whose  right,  assured  by  the  laws  and  constitutions 
of  the  country,  to  choose  a  king  with  full  liberty  of 
suffrage  cannot  be  in  any  way  restrained." 

Turkey  set  forth  that  it  desired  the  election  of 
"  such  a  Pole  as  the  electors  thought  suitable." 

Louis  XV  of  France  was  even  more  careful  in  his 
choice  of  language,  for  he  affirmed  that  "  he  consid- 
ered upon  that  occasion  only  the  advantages  of  the 
Republic;  that  he  entertained  no  other  wish  or  de- 
sire than  to  see  the  Polish  nation  maintained  in  all 
its  rights,  in  all  its  possessions,  in  all  its  liberties,  and 
especially  in  the  most  precious  of  its  prerogatives. 


xxviii     THE  ARMENIAN  QUESTION 

that  of  giving  itself  a  king  by  a  free  election  and 
a  voluntary  choice.  It  is  for  the  nation  itself  to  de- 
termine its  choice  by  consulting  its  own  advantage 
without  regard  to  foreign  influences;  and  His  Maj- 
esty will  recognize  as  King  of  Poland,  and  will  sus- 
tain and  protect,  whoever  shall  be  elected  by  the 
free  choice  of  the  nation  and  conformably  to  the 
laws  and  constitutions  of  the  country." 

In  June,  191 6,  President  Wilson  stated  to  a  dele- 
gation of  Armenians  that  "  many  are  the  peoples 
who  have  suffered  as  a  consequence  of  this  war  but 
the  fate  of  no  nation  has  touched  the  heart  of 
America  as  much  as  have  the  sufferings  of  the  Arme- 
nians." 

The  same  voice  which  so  defined  the  martyrdom 
of  Armenia  has  also  declared  that  "  right  is  more 
precious  than  peace  and  we  shall  fight  for  the  things 
which  we  have  always  carried  nearest  our  hearts  — 
for  democracy,  for  the  right  of  those  who  submit 
to  authority  to  have  a  voice  in  their  own  govern- 
ment, for  the  rights  and  liberties  of  small  nations, 
for  an  universal  dominion  of  right  by  such  a  con- 
cert of  free  peoples  as  shall  bring  peace  and  safety 
to  all  nations  and  make  the  world  itself  at  last  free." 

These  words  have  the  ring  of  sincerity.  The 
world  believes  in  the  high  purpose,  fixed  resolve  and 
unconquerable  will  of  the  American  people  and  also 
knows  that  the  Europe  of  to-day  is  no  longer  the 
Europe  of  Frederick  the  Great,  of  Maria  Theresa 
and  of  Louis  XV.  A  new  era  has  dawned,  but  if 
Armenians  are  to  be  worthy  of  sharing  in  the  fruits 
of  such  an  epoch  they  must  continue  to  press  their 
cause  until  the  organized  public  conscience  of  man- 
kind shall  have  rendered  a  decree,  irrevocable  and 


THE  ARMENIAN  QUESTION       xxix 

binding,  and  definitely  admitting  Armenia  into  the 
family  of  nations. 

The  great  constructive  brains  of  the  world  owe  it 
to  themselves  to  hearken  to  the  prayers  of  those  men, 
women  and  children  who  have  been  sacrificed  upon 
the  altar  of  European  international  polity  so  that, 
in  the  words  of  Lincoln  "  these  dead  shall  not  have 
died  in  vain,  that  this  nation,  under  God,  shall  have 
a  new  birth  of  freedom  and  that  government  of  the 
people,  by  the  people  and  for  the  people  shall  not 
perish  from  the  earth." 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 


CHAPTER  I 

Geographical  configuration,  climate  and  products  —  Legendary 
history  —  The  Ourarti  —  The  origin  of  the  Armenians  —  Their 
settlement  in  the  valleys  of  the  Euphrates  and  of  the  Araxes  —  The 
Armenians  during  the  days  of  the  Persian  Empire  and  of  the  King- 
dom of  the  Seleucids. 

That  region  which  extends  to  the  east  of  the  peninsula  of 
Asia  Minor  as  far  as  the  confines  of  the  Caspian  Sea  between 
the  Pontic  Mountains  and  the  ramifications  of  the  Caucasus 
on  the  north  and  Mesopotamia  on  the  south,  which  geogra- 
phers call  Armenia  ^  during  the  Assyrian  days  of  old  was 
designated  by  names  whose  origin  is  lost  in  the  darkness 
which  preceded  the  dawn  of  history  such  as:  Ourartou  or 
Ararat,  Nairi  or  Nahri,  Supan  or  Sophene,  Enzite  or  Han- 
zid,  Arzn,  Bian'ina  or  Viaina  or  Van,  Manna  or  Minni  or 
Atrpatcan. 

Taken  as  a  whole  It  may  be  said  that  Armenia 
constitutes  an  high  table-land  of  an  altitude  varying 
between  1500  and  2000  meters,  which  rises  abruptly 
on  the  Black  Sea,  the  Caspian  Sea  and  the  plains  of 
Mesopotamia.  The  mountains  which  join  the  Cau- 
casus to  the  Pontic  range  and  to  the  Taurus  chain 
furrow  the  table-land  In  all  directions  and  take  the 

^  The  Armenians,  who  are  known  as  Hai,  sometimes  called  their 
country  Haik  (plural  of  Hai),  but  more  often  Haia-Stan,  an  ap- 
pellation in  which  the  suffix  Stan,  borrowed  from  the  Persian,  means 
a  country  or  residence. 

I 


2      ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

form  of  enormous  solid  masses,  the  highest  of  which 
is  Mount  Ararat,  the  Massis  or  Massik  ^  of  the 
Armenians.  This  snow-clad  peak  is  of  an  altitude 
of  over  5000  m.  and  the  two  cones,  which  crown  its 
summit,  are  of  porphyry.  Towards  the  north  be- 
tween the  Araxes  and  the  Kura  rises  Mount  Aragaz 
or  Alagoeuz  (4000  m.).  On  the  northwest  is 
found  Mount  Paryadis  ^  (3000  m.).  In  the  center 
Mount  Abos  *  (3200  m.)  dominates  the  table-land. 
On  the  east  lies  Mount  Niphates  or  Npat  ^  and  far- 
ther to  the  south  Mount  Sepouh  or  Sipan  (3600  m.) 
which  overlooks  Lake  Van. 

Broken  up  into  amphitheaters,  the  mountains  of 
Armenia  abound  in  hollows  over  which  extend  lakes 
of  considerable  area.  The  most  remarkable  is  Lake 
Van,  situate  at  an  height  of  1600  m.  Its  waters^ 
are  brackish  and  their  area  is  six  times  greater  than 
that  of  the  Lake  of  Geneva  (Switzerland).  To 
the  southeast  of  the  former  body  lies  Lake  Ourmia 
(altitude  1300  m.),  larger  in  superficial  area  than 
Lake  Van  but  quite  shallow.  To  the  north  of  the 
Araxes  craters  of  extinct  volcanoes,  transformed 
into  lakes  of  sublime  beauty,  pour  forth  their  waters 
towards  that  river. 

2  The  Massis  of  the  Armenians  must  not  be  confused  with  the 
Massios  of  classical  geography,  which  rises  to  the  north  of  Nissi- 
bina.  The  mount  referred  to  in  the  text  is  known  to  the  Tatars 
as  Arghi-Dagh  (the  mountain  of  Arche)  and  to  the  Persians  as 
Kohi-Nouh   (the  mountain  of  Noah). 

^Barkhar  or  Ko-Dagh. 

*  Bingoeul  or  the  mountain  of  the  thousand  lakes. 

5  Ala-Dagh. 

8  Lake  Van  or  the  sea  of  Ourartou  was  known  to  the  Assyrians 
as  the  upper  sea  of  Nairi.  Classical  geography  has  called  it 
Arsissa;  and  Armenians  designate  it  indifferently  as  the  sea  of 
Bjnounis,  Tosp,  Ardjis  or  Vaspouracan. 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS      3 

It  is  here,  amidst  the  uplands  of  Armenia,  that 
the  great  rivers  of  Western  Asia  find  their  source. 
The  Araxes  and  the  Kura  ^  which  flow  towards  the 
Caspian  Sea;  the  Euphrates  and  the  Tigris^  which 
drain  the  fields  of  Assyria  and  of  Babylonia;  the 
Halys  and  the  Lycus  which  wend  their  serpentine 
course  across  Asia  Minor  to  the  Black  Sea,  owe  their 
origin  to  Armenia. 

The  Araxes,  which  is  the  Armenian  River  of 
Rivers,  springs  from  Mount  Abos  lying  to  the  south 
of  Erzroum.  It  winds  its  sinuous  channel  through 
the  wide  and  fertile  plains  of  Phasiane  ®  and  of 
Ararat  ^*  and  receives  the  waters  of  a  great  number 
of  tributaries,  such  as  the  Akhourian  ^^  which  in  its 
turn  comes  from  the  land  of  Ani.  Thence  the 
Araxes  flows  through  Tchoukha  ^^  and  passing  from 
rapid  to  rapid  reaches  the  Caspian  plains  where  it 
blends  itself  with  the  Kura,  the  Georgian  River 
which  descends  from  the  Caucasus. 

The  Euphrates,  made  up  of  two  branches,  carries 
the  waters  of  the  table-land  towards  the  west. 
The  eastern  branch  known  as  the  Arazani  ^^  waters 
the  high  and  productive  plain  of  Valarskert,^^  turns 
southwards,  passes  Melazkert,  flows  alongside  the 
fields  of  Taron  ^^  and,  after  taking  the  form  of  a 
series  of  cascades,  runs  through  Balou  and  Kapan  ^® 
where  the  western  branch  is  joined.  This  latter 
afiluent  rises  in  a  swamp  near  Erzroum  and  after 
following  a  winding  course  reaches  the  plains  of 

7  Cyras.  ^2  Djoulf  a. 

8  Dglath.  1^  Mourat-Tchai. 
»  Bassene.  ^*  Askert. 

^^  Erivan.  ^^  Mouche. 

11  Arpa-Tchai  of  the  Tatars.         ^^  Keban-Maden. 


4     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

Eriza  '^'^  only  to  enter  the  deep  gorges  of  the  Acn  or 
Eghine.  After  its  confluence  with  its  eastern 
branch,  the  Euphrates  skirts  the  rich  lands  of  Meli- 
tene  ^^  only  to  dash  into  precipitate  gorges  where  its 
breadth  is  sometimes  reduced  to  fifty  m.  Thence 
the  Euphrates  flows  towards  the  west,  making  its 
way  towards  the  uplands  of  Mesopotamia. 

The  Tigris,  which  drains  the  fields  of  Assyria  and 
of  Babylon,  owes  its  origin  to  a  series  of  branches 
flowing  near  the  course  of  the  Euphrates.  The 
main  branch  is  that  of  the  Amid  ^^  whose  tributaries 
are  the  Nymphius,^*^  which  issues  forth  from  the 
mountains  of  Samsoum,  the  Bitlis,  and  the  Kentrit,-^ 
an  outlet  of  Lake  Van. 

The  Halys  and  the  Lycus  which  carry  the  waters 
of  the  table-land  towards  the  North  Sea,  spring  from 
the  mountains  to  the  west  of  Eriza.  The  Halys 
waters  the  city  of  Sebaste  ^^  and  thence  winds  its 
way  across  Asia  Minor  until  it  reaches  the  sea  to 
the  west  of  Samsoum.  The  Lycus  passes  Neocaes- 
area  ^^  and  flows  into  the  sea  to  the  east  of  Sam- 
soum. 

Another  river,  the  Sper,^^  which  rises  in  the 
mountains  to  the  north  of  Erzroum,  traverses  the 
plains  of  Baberd,^^  and  making  its  way  through  the 
Pontic  Mountains,  continues  its  course  until  it 
reaches  the  Black  Sea  near  Batoum. 

From  a  purely  topographical  point  of  view  few 
countries,  if  any,  show  signs  of  greater  general  up- 
heaval than  Armenia.     It  is  true  that  the  volcanoes 

"  Erzlndjian.  22  Sivas. 

18  Malatia.  23  Nikissar. 

"Diarbekir.  24Djorokh. 

20  Batman-Sou.  25  Baybourt. 

21  Bohtan-Tchai. 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS      5 

which  called  it  into  being  are  now  extinct  but  the  soil 
shows  traces  of  their  fire.  The  land  is  continually- 
shaken  and  violent  earthquake  shocks  are  repeated 
century  after  century.  A  country  abounding  in  con- 
tradictions, Armenia  offers  on  the  one  hand  the  spec- 
tacle of  sharp  peaks  and  of  deep  precipices;  stretches 
of  country  of  majestic  beauty  and  wide  expanses  of 
monotonous  sameness ;  then  there  are  fertile  pasture 
lands,  shaded  valleys  where  grapes  and  fruit  may- 
grow  in  profusion,  and  plains  covered  with  a  rich 
alluvion  where  in  spring  time  smiling  crops  of  wheat 
and  vegetation  abound. 

Intense  cold  follows  excessive  heat.  Snow  covers 
the  fields  during  five  months  of  the  year.  The  tem- 
perature often  falls  as  low  as  twenty-five  degrees 
below  zero  (Centigrade)  and  in  the  valley  of  the 
Araxes  it  sometimes  mounts  as  high  as  forty  degrees 
(Centigrade).  The  winter  frosts  and  biting  cold 
often  delay  the  planting  season  but  in  May  nature 
bursts  forth,  as  it  were,  and  vegetation  hastens  to 
maturity. 

Whilst  Armenia  is  a  country  of  great  agricultural 
possibilities,  its  sub-soil  conceals  minerals  whose  re- 
nown goes  back  to  remote  antiquity.  Copper,  iron 
and  lead  abound.  Recent  investigations  furnish  evi- 
dence of  the  presence  of  anthracite  and  of  mineral 
oils. 

Birds  are  not  numerous,  and  wild  beasts  fail  to 
find  a  retreat  in  the  open  spaces  which  summer  trans- 
fers into  prairies.  Here  is  the  demesne  of  sheep, 
the  raising  of  which  constitutes  one  of  the  principal 
sources  of  riches  of  the  country.  The  main  domes- 
tic animals  are  the  horse,  the  mule,  the  buffalo. 


6      ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

Protected  on  the  north  by  the  Caucasus  range  and 
on  the  south  by  the  Taurus,  Armenia  would  be  a 
country  safe  against  invasion  if  its  geographical  posi- 
tion had  not  made  of  it  the  converging  point  of  the 
principal  roads  leading  towards  the  heart  of  Asia. 
The  Armenian  table-land  constitutes  the  main  route 
from  east  to  west  and  it  is  at  the  same  time  the 
key  to  that  position  which  lies  between  the  Caspian, 
Black  and  Mediterranean  Seas  and  the  Persian  Gulf. 
Medes,  Persians,  Tatars,  Turks,  conquerors  all, 
there  continually  passed;  whereas  the  Assyrians  and 
the  Arabs  touched  upon  the  country  from  south  to 
north.  The  strategic  center  of  the  upland  is  Erz- 
roum,  the  ancient  Theodosopolis,  a  city  which  was 
fortified  by  the  Byzantines  about  the  middle  of  the 
fifth  century. 

According  to  the  narrative  of  the  historian  Moses 
of  Khorene,^®  the  Armenian  table-land  had  been  col- 
onized from  the  very  beginning  by  the  Hai,  or  de- 
scendants of  Haic,  great  grandson  of  the  biblical  Ja- 
peth.  It  would  appear  from  the  writings  of  Moses 
of  Khorene  that  Haic,  a  child  of  the  plains  of  Senaar, 
had  fled  to  what  is  now  Armenia  in  order  to  escape 
the  persecutions  of  Belus  of  Babylon.  Belus  fol- 
lowed Haic  into  Armenia  for  the  purpose  of  con- 
quering him,  but  in  an  heroic  combat  the  former  was 
killed  by  the  man  whom  he  sought  to  persecute. 
The  uplands  of  Ararat  were  given  the  name  of  his 
son  Haik  (plural  of  Hai)  and  the  settlers  were 
called  Hai  or  Haikian.  It  seems  that  Aram,  the 
sixth  descendant  of  Haic  in  the  direct  line,  was  a  con- 

26  The  history  of  Moses  of  Khorene  deals  with  the  origin  of  the 
Armenians^  and  stops  at  A.  D.  440,  about  the  time  of  the  fall  of  the 
Arcbacouni. 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS      7 

temporary  of  Nimos.  The  sovereignty  of  Aram  ex- 
tended as  far  as  Cappadocia,  and  foreigners,  on 
account  of  his  exploits,  applied  the  name  of  Armen 
or  Armeni  to  the  country  ruled  by  him.  It  is  said 
that  Aral  was  killed  in  a  battle  fought  against  Se- 
miramis.  The  construction  of  castle  Van,^^  contain- 
ing inscriptions  written  in  a  language  unknown  to 
the  Hai,  is  attributed  to  Semiramis.  The  same 
author  maintains  that  Ararat,  even  while  it  pre- 
served its  own  princes,  descendants  of  Ha'ic,  fell 
under  the  yoke  of  Assyria,  until  the  days  of  Arbaces, 
king  of  the  Medes.  The  recital  goes  on  to  state 
that  after  the  taking  of  Niniva,  the  king  of  the 
Medes  raised  ParouTr,  the  Haikian,  to  the  rank  of 
king.  It  is  added  that  Tigranes,  son  of  Erivant  and 
the  eighth  direct  descendant  of  Parou'ir,  fought  As- 
tiage  ^^  and  slew  him  with  his  own  hand.  Vahagn, 
Tigranes's  successor,  is  declared  to  have  been  made  a 
god  on  account  of  his  exploits,  and  his  seventh  suc- 
cessor. Van,  is  said  to  have  rebuilt  the  Semiramocerta 
and  to  have  given  his  name  to  the  city.  To  bring 
the  recital  to  an  end  it  is  set  forth  that  Vahe,  son  of 
Van,  went  forth  to  fight  Alexander  the  Great  and 
having  lost  his  life  upon  the  field  of  battle  thus 
brought  to  an  end  the  authority  of  the  Ha'ikians. 

Outside  of  a  few  names  which  are  revealed  by  the 
inscriptions  of  Assyria  and  Ararat,  there  is  abso- 
lutely no  confirmative  proof  of  the  narrative  which 
has  just  been  sketched;  which  is  a  tissue  of  fables  em- 
broidered upon  a  background  of  biblical  traditions. 
The  very  presence  in  the  cantons  of  the  Araxes,  at 
so  distant  a  date,  of  an  Armeno-Hai  people  is  not 
established.     The  only  thing  that  seems  to  perco- 

27  Semiramocerta.  28  Azi-Dahac. 


8      ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

late  through  this  legendary  narrative,  if  it  be  the 
echo  of  an  historical  fact,  is  that  in  the  long  forgot- 
ten past,  the  cantons  of  Van  were  subjugated  by 
chiefs  of  Assyrian  or  Chaldean  clans. 

It  is  also  necessary  to  reject  the  theory  admitted 
by  ethnographers  to  the  effect  that  a  branch  of 
Medes  and  Persians,  stranded  upon  the  table-land 
of  Ararat  at  the  time  of  Aryan  migrations,  gave 
birth  to  the  Armenian  race.  This  ingenuous  enun- 
ciation is,  in  the  last  analysis,  nothing  but  a  pure 
hypothesis  based  upon  a  similarity  more  apparent 
than  real,  between  the  customs  and  the  religion  of 
the  Medes  and  the  Armenians.  This  hypothesis 
complacently  discards  all  of  the  traditions  which 
have  been  compiled  by  the  Greek  classical  writers, 
Herodotus,  Strabo  and  Eudoxus,  who  report  that 
the  Armenians,  properly  so  called,  are  related  to  the 
peoples  of  Asia  Minor  and  more  particularly  to  the 
Phrygians. 

Records,  which  have  been  discovered,  show  that 
the  primitive  population  of  the  table-land  of  Ararat 
was  an  agglomeration  of  peoples  of  different  origin. 
Ararat,  as  most  mountainous  countries,  had  been  suc- 
cessively invaded  by  the  tribes  who  camped  in  its 
neighborhood.  These  peoples  came  principally 
from  the  Caspian  district.  Media,  Mesopotamia  and 
Asia  Minor.  Succeeding  migrations  cast  upon  Ar- 
arat, on  the  one  hand,  Scythian  and  Touranian  tribes 
of  the  same  branch  as  the  Alains  and  the  Saspirians, 
whom  Ezekiel  designates  as  Gog  and  Magog,  and 
on  the  other  hand  Medes,  Aramcens  of  Mesopota- 
mia, as  well  as  Indo-Europeans  from  Asia  Minor. 
From  this  simple  enumeration  it  is  clear  that  the 
primitive  settlers  were  peoples  of  different  languages 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS      9 

and  of  different  religions,  many  of  them  belonging  to 
races  of  which  history  preserves  but  a  faint  memory 
if  she  knows  of  them  at  all.  The  immigrants  hail- 
ing from  the  North  conquered,  beyond  peradven- 
ture,  the  valley  of  the  Araxes  and,  perhaps,  the 
basin  of  Van,  but  they  were  unable  to  advance  along 
the  banks  of  the  Euphrates,  where  the  tribes  from 
Asia  Minor  and  Mesopotamia  had  taken  root.  It 
must  be  assumed  that  these  two  peoples  lived,  for 
centuries,  without  fusing,  because  they  are  found  as 
two  distinct  entities  towards  the  end  of  the  Persian 
Empire. 

The  principal  element  known  to  students  as  Khal- 
dae  or  Khaldi,  on  account  of  their  national  god 
Khald,  or  Chald,  represent  beyond  question  the 
Ourarti  of  Assyrian  inscriptions,  whose  descendants 
Herodotus  knew  under  the  name  of  Alarodians. 
The  language  in  which  their  inscriptions  are  written, 
and  which  scholars  decipher,  bears  no  affinity  to 
Armenian  or  any  other  known  language.  It  is  es- 
tablished by  these  inscriptions  that  the  kings  of 
Ararat  were  proud  warriors.  They  led  their  armies 
towards  the  North  and  West  and  even  towards 
Northern  Syria.  They  long  fought  against  As- 
syria to  maintain  their  independence.  They  con- 
structed cities  and  forts  and  dug  canals  of  which 
some  are  still  extant.  After  an  existence  which 
lasted  for  several  centuries  the  Ourarti  disappeared 
from  the  scene  at  about  the  beginning  of  the  con- 
quest of  the  Medes  and  without  the  splendor  of  the 
part  played  by  their  kings  in  the  history  of  Asia 
having  reached  the  writers  of  antiquity. 

Among  the  peoples  who  surrounded  the  Khaldi,  so 
the  inscriptions  show,  were  the  Khiti  or  Khati  (the 


lo     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

Hittites  of  scholars).  They  hailed  from  the  Cill- 
cian  Taurus.  The  Khiti  advanced  as  far  as  Meli- 
tene  and  paid  tribute  to  the  Ourartian  kings  and 
the  Assyrian  monarchs.  On  the  north  the  Khaldi 
touched  upon  the  Saces  or  Scythians  who  had  occu- 
pied a  district  between  the  Araxes  and  the  Kura, 
called  Sacasene.^**  Cuneiform  documents  speak  of 
this  country  as  early  as  the  eighth  century  B.  C,  un- 
der the  name  of  Ashgouzai  or  Ischouzai'.^*^  In 
the  mountains  bordering  the  south  of  Lake  Van 
were  camped  the  Carducques  ^^  famous  for  the 
ardor  displayed  by  them  both  at  war  and  in  pil- 
laging.^^ These  early  inhabitants  of  Ararat  lived, 
just  as  the  present  population  of  Armenia,  in 
villages  half  buried  in  the  soil  in  order  to  pro- 
tect themselves  against  the  hoar-frost  of  winter. 
Xenophon,   who   visited   these   villages   during   the 

29  Known  to  Persians  and  Armenians  as  Sissacan. 

30  Jeremiah  speaks  of  the  country  as  the  Kingdom  of  Asckenas. 

31  Referred  to  as  Kudraha   (Kurds)  in  the  inscriptions  of  Darius. 

32  The  modern  Kurds,  who  have  maintained  the  same  customs 
and  an  organization  based  upon  obedience  to  hereditary  chiefs  of 
clans,  are  a  composite  race  composed  of  Persian,  Arab,  Chaldaean 
and  Armenian  elements.  They  use  a  dialect,  the  basis  of  which 
would  appear  to  be  of  Iranian  origin  but  which  has  drawn  largely 
upon  the  languages  of  the  various  elements  which  have  contributed 
to  create  the  modern  Kurds.  There  are  among  this  people  seden- 
tary tribes  who  devote  themselves  to  agriculture,  whilst  others  are 
composed  of  wandering  shepherds.  The  Kurds  embraced  Islam  at 
the  time  of  the  Arab  conquest  and  the  Seljuk  invasion  and  they 
invariably  ally  themselves  to  those  who  have  the  upper  hand,  in 
order  that  they  may  be  able  to  indulge  in  rapine  and  pillaging. 
Their  extension  towards  the  north  in  Armenia,  and  towards  the 
west  in  the  valleys  of  the  Euphrates  and  the  Halys,  as  far  as  the 
gulf  of  Alexandretta  dates  mainly  from  the  days  of  the  Ottoman 
Turks.  During  the  twelfth  century  A.  D.  several  Kurdish  families 
attained  political  situations  of  high  import  and  bore  the  title  of 
Atabek,  such  as  the  famous  Zinghi  Atabek  of  Mossoul  and  of 
Aleppo  who  took  Edessa  from  the  Crusaders  (a.  D.  1134)  and  his 
son,  _Nour-Ed-Din,  who  shortly  afterwards  played  an  important 
part  in  Syria. 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     ii 

retreat  of  the  ten  thousand,  found  them  abun- 
dantly provided  with  all  necessities.  Fortified 
market-towns  had  been  constructed  generally 
perched  up  on  rocks  of  difficult  access.  Among 
such  places  may  be  cited  Touspa  or  Tosp,  Arzacou, 
Erouand,  Erouandakert,  Manavazakert,  Balou  and 
Arghni.^^  During  the  several  centuries  Ourartou 
and  its  petty  kings  owed  allegiance  to  Niniva. 
At  about  the  commencement  of  the  ninth  century 
B.  c.  two  kingdoms  were  carved  out  of  Ourartou. 
One  was  created  in  the  east  in  the  country  known 
as  Manna  and  the  other  in  the  center,  or  Ara- 
rat, and  this  latter  territory  was  ruled  over  by 
Arame,  a  descendant  of  Shadour  or  Sour,  a  contem- 
porary of  Salmanassar  III  (b.  c.  840).  One  of 
his  successors,  Ishpouin-Is,  organized  the  province 
of  Van  and  made  of  Touspa  his  favorite  residence. 
His  son,  Menouas,^^  carried  on  further  conquests, 
subjected  to  his  rule  the  Khati  of  Melitene  and  built 
the  market-town  of  Manazkert.  His  grandson, 
Shardour-Is  (b.  c.  755),  taking  advantage  of  the 
weakness  of  Assyria,  descended  upon  Syria,  took 
Arpad  and  then  Aleppo  but  he  was  finally  compelled 
to  retreat  before  Teglatphalassar  II,  who  invaded 
Ourartou  and  laid  siege  to  Touspa.  The  contest 
against  Assyria  was  renewed  under  the  reign  of 
Rousas.^^  Several  campaigns  ensued  before  Sar- 
gon,  king  of  Assyria,  was  able  to  assert  his  suprem- 
acy. 

Towards  the  middle  of  the  seventh  century  B.  c. 

33  Touspa  is  now  known  as  Van;  Arzascou  as  Ardjis;  Erouand 
as  Erivan.  Kert  is  an  Armenian  suffix  meaning  built,  adorned. 
Its  use  goes  back  to  the  Persian  epoch. 

8*  Manavas. 

*B  Ursa.    Armenian  historians  speak  of  the  Rouchtouni. 


12     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

the  kings  of  Ourartou  were  able  to  come  to  terms 
with  the  Assyrian  monarchs,  but  an  unexpected  en- 
emy arose  in  their  rear.  The  Cimerians  ^^  and  the 
Scythians  burst  forth  like  a  wild  torrent  from  the 
country  adjacent  to  the  Caspian  Sea  and  the  Pontic 
Mountains  and  incessantly  harassed  them.  These 
tribes  led  in  their  wake  the  Moushki,^^  the  Armen, 
the  Khati  and  hordes  from  all  the  neighboring  ter- 
ritory and  caused  their  followers  to  fall  upon  Ourar- 
tou and  Assyria,  whose  inhabitants  were  murdered 
and  their  towns  set  on  fire.  Their  subjects  massa- 
cred, their  towns  reduced  to  ashes,  the  kings  of 
Ararat  were  compelled  to  take  refuge  in  the  moun- 
tains only  to  disappear  shortly  afterwards  when 
(b.  c.  600-580)  the  Medes  completed  the  work  thus 
inaugurated.^^ 

Of  the  remnants  of  the  population  some  re- 
trenched themselves  in  the  Caucasus  Mountains  and 
in  the  country  of  the  Carduchi,  in  the  Pontic  Moun- 
tains.^* Others,  including  the  landed  proprietors, 
fused  with  the  new  masters  of  Ararat. 

The  kingdom  of  Ourartou  was  shortly  forgotten 
and  the  deeds  accomplished  by  its  kings  were  blended 
into   the   legends   of   Ninos,    Semiramis,    Haic   and 

38  Armenian  writers  refer  to  them  as  the  Camirk. 

37  The   Mesheks   of   the  Bible. 

38  The  following  chronological  list  of  the  kings  of  Ourartou 
has  been  compiled  from  the  best  available  data: 

Arame  (about  850  B.C.),  Loutibir  (843),  Shardour  (833),  Ish- 
pouin  (828),  Menouas  (800),  Arghest  (780),  Shardour  II  (755), 
Rousas  (720),  Arghest  II  (714),  Menousas  II  (685),  Erivenas 
(670),  Rousas  II   (645),  Shardour  III   (640). 

3»The  Greek  Church  still  applies  the  designation  "theme  of 
Khaldea "  to  the  region  lying  to  the  north  of  Trebizond  and  in 
this  appellation  is  found  confirmative  proof  that  the  Khaldi  took 
refuge  in  this  district  at  the  time  of  their  dispersion. 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     13 

Belus.  The  history  of  the  country  was  handed 
down  as  that  of  an  heroic  contest  between  the 
gods  of  Ourartou  and  of  Babylon.  Moses  of 
Khorene,  the  author  of  the  genealogy  of  the  Hai- 
cans,  makes  of  Haic  the  ancestor  of  the  Hai,  whereas 
the  earlier  writers  of  Armenia,  the  translators  of  the 
Bible,  look  upon  him  as  a  mythical  character,  simi- 
lar to  the  Greek  Orion. 

Henceforth  Ourartou,  where  the  Armens  took 
root,  is  called  Armina  or  Armenik  ^°  or  according 
to  the  Bible,  Tog-Arma  or  Thorgoma,  not  to  cite 
the  fact  that  in  national  folk  lore  it  is  known  as 
Haik  or  Hai'stan.  The  Armens,  who  were  of 
Thracian  origin,  and  related  to  the  Phrygians,  either 
preceded  or  followed  the  latter  in  their  migration  to 
Asia  Minor.  In  support  of  the  traditions  handed 
down  by  Herodotus,  Eudoxus  and  Strabo,  Armenian 
historians  add  a  genealogical  table,  founded  upon 
tradition,  according  to  which  Thorgom  ^^  hailed 
from  Tiras  or  Thrace.  The  Armens  were  camped 
near  the  head  waters  of  the  Halys,  to  the  west  of 
the  Euphrates  ^^  and  were  there  leading  a  precari- 
ous existence  under  their  chiefs  when  the  armies  of 
Sargon,  the  Assyrian,  invaded  Cappadocia  and  Meli- 
tene  (B.C.  720).  This  was  the  signal  for  a  new 
emigration  towards  the  east,  a  movement  encour- 
aged by  offers  made  by  the  kings  of  Ourartou  who 
desired  to  maintain  good  relations  with  the  neigh- 
boring peoples  In  order  to  be  able  to  make  use  of 
them  in  the  contest  against  Assyria. 

*°  Inscriptions  of  Darius  at  Behistoun. 
41  The  Biblical  Tag-Arma. 

*2  An  inscription  of  Menousas  reveals  the  existence  of  a  people 
known  as  the  Urmani  or  Armeni,  living  to  the  west  of  Ourartou. 


14    ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

The  Armens  seemed  to  have  mixed  their  blood 
with  another  Asiatic  element  whose  patronymic, 
Hai,  became  in  time  their  national  designation. 
Superficially  it  would  appear  as  if  the  strain  thus 
called  into  being  may  be  identified  with  the  Khaldi 
of  Ourartou,  owing  to  the  fact  that  the  Armenians 
appropriated  to  themselves  Hai'c,  the  supreme  god 
of  Ourartou  and  that  a  tradition,  more  or  less 
vague,  has  it  that  they  descend  from  Aschkenas,^^ 
that  is  to  say  from  the  Scythian  peoples  of  the  region 
of  Ararat.  Armenian  historians  know  of  the  appel- 
lation Khaldi  or  Khalik  **  and  do  not  confound  it 
with  the  national  name  of  Hai.  They  consider  that 
the  monuments  and  inscriptions  of  Van  are  the  work 
of  Semiramis  and  are  of  the  opinion  that  the  lan- 
guage used  is  a  foreign  tongue. 

At  the  very  dawn  of  their  history  the  Armeno- 
Hai'  give  evidence  of  characteristics  which  make 
their  assimilation  with  the  Ourarti  or  with  the  Alar- 
odians  of  Herodotus  entirely  improbable.  On  the 
other  hand  when  the  presence  of  the  Khati  or  Hat 
in  the  regions  adjacent  to  the  Halys  and  the  Eu- 
phrates is  considered,  and  it  is  borne  in  mind  that 
everything  indicates  that  their  language  was  Indo- 
European,  and  the  manifest  similarity  between  the 
appellations  Khat  and  Hai  is  taken  into  account,  it 
may  well  be  deemed  that  the  Khati  are  the  sur- 
vivors of  these  ancient  populations  of  Asia  Minor. 
The  Khat  of  the  Euphrates  valley  coalesced  with  the 
Armen,^^  conserving  at  the  same  time  the  name  of 

•*3  Cf.  the  following  passage:  "Thus,  bear  in  mind  that  we  de- 
scend both  from  Aschkenas  and  the  house  of  Thorgom" — Histoire 
de  I'Armenie  by  Jean  Catholicos. 

**The  Kbaldik  of  the  Pontic  Mountains. 

"Jensen — "Les  Hittites  et  les  Armeniens." 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     15 

Ha'i,  which  became  in  due  course  the  national  desig- 
nation. This  fusion  produced  a  race  having  all  of 
the  aptitudes  the  one  of  the  other:  a  people  peace- 
ful, laborious,  tenacious,  self-willed  and  capable, 
when  occasion  called,  of  bearing  the  brunt  of  battle. 

The  great  invasion  of  the  Cimmerians  and  of  the 
Scythians,  which  changed  the  face  of  the  Asiatic 
world,  seems  to  have  permitted  the  Armeno-Hai"  to 
take  up  a  position  beyond  the  Euphrates  and  to  enter 
into  possession  of  the  cantons  situated  on  the  left 
bank  of  that  river.  But  this  thrust  was  not  carried 
on  by  the  entire  population,  for  several  tribes  con- 
tinued to  inhabit  the  cantons  west  of  the  Euphrates, 
thereafter  called  Minor  Armenia.  The  country  in 
which  the  Armens  settled  was  a  mountainous  region, 
traversed  by  deep  valleys  and  smiling  plains.  It 
was  composed  of  several  cantons.  The  inscriptions 
cite  the  names  of  Supna,  Enzite,  Erez,  Ghirzanou 
and  Daiani.  There  were  a  number  of  castles  nest- 
ling among  the  mountains  and  many  market-towns 
of  which  a  few,  Amiti  or  Amid,***  Argheni,  Henni, 
Anghl,  and  Balou,  have  until  this  day  preserved  their 
old  names. 

It  was  in  the  districts  which  they  had  conquered 
that  the  Armeno-Hai,  who  there  also  established  a 
numerical  preponderance,  became  known  to  the 
neighboring  peoples,  under  the  name  of  Arma,  Ar- 
mai  or  Armeni.  It  is  believed  that  a  custom,  which 
obtained  among  these  petty  kings,  may  have  had 
something  to  do  with  this  designation,  for  they 
joined  to  their  names  the  prefix  Arma.  Thus  Moses 
of  Khorene,  in  his  genealogy,  speaks  of  Arma-Is,  Ar- 
men-Ac,  Armen-Si,  whom  he  cites  as  the  first  Patri- 

**  Diarbekir. 


1 6    ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

iarchs  of  the  nation.  The  country  subject  to  their 
rule  was  called  Armina,  or  Armenik,  and  this  is  the 
appellation  applied  thereto  by  foreigners,  first  by  the 
Arameens,  under  the  style  of  Tog-Arma,  and  then  by 
the  Iranians,  the  Greeks  and  the  Romans.  The  bib- 
lical Tog-Arma,  country  situated  between  Gomer  and 
Gog,  that  is  to  say  between  Cappadocia  and  Ararat, 
evidently  refers  to  the  cantons  of  the  valley  of  the 
Euphrates,  to  the  Armenia  of  Herodotus.*''  The 
name  Armina  or  Armenik  was  extended  little  by  lit- 
tle to  Ourartou  and  to  Biaina  as  the  Armen  estab- 
lished their  preponderance  in  the  valley  of  the 
Araxes. 

Nevertheless  the  Armeno-Hai  were  not  able,  at 
the  outset,  either  to  constitute  a  homogeneous  state 
or  to  coalesce  with  the  old  population.  After  a 
comparatively  short  time  they  were  themselves  ab- 
sorbed by  the  Persian  Empire. 

Situate  on  the  highway  of  the  conquering  nations, 
upon  the  battle  field  of  the  friction  point  between  the 
Occident  and  the  Orient,  the  Armenians  were  called 
upon  to  remain  upon  the  defensive.  Upon  this 
table-land,  devoid  of  geographical  homogeneity,  they 
were  compelled  in  advance  to  lead  a  national  exist- 
ence devoid  of  brilliancy.  So  thoroughly  did  they 
there  take  root,  however,  that  after  their  conversion 
to  Christianity  and  the  birth  of  their  literature,  they 
came  to  consider  Ararat  as  their  country  of  origin. 

From  the  glimpse  that  may  be  had  into  these 
times,  it  appears  that  the  Armen  petty  kings  were 
divided  into  two  branches,  one  dominating  that  part 
of  the  country  contiguous  to  the  Euphrates  and  the 
other  the  territory  drained  by  the  Araxes.  The 
*''  Herodotus  places  Armenia  between  Cllicia  and  Matiene. 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     17 

princes  of  the  western  cantons  were  generally  known 
as  Zareh,  Vardanes  or  Archam.  Their  principal 
place  of  residence  was  Archamousat  on  the  Arzania. 
The  princes  of  the  other  cantons  were  generally 
named  Oroute,  Hrand,  Schavarche  or  Tigranes,  and 
they  were  domiciled  at  Armavir  on  the  Araxes.^^ 

At  about  this  time  Media,  which  had  long  been 
ravaged  by  Assyria,  strengthened  itself.  Cyaxares 
destroyed  Niniva  (b.  c.  600)  and  after  a  few  years 
the  Assyrian  Empire,  which  had  made  the  Oriental 
world  tremble  before  it,  became  a  legend  of  the 
past.  Assyria,  once  subdued,  Cyaxares  turned  his 
arms  northwards  and  westwards,  in  order  to  subdue 
those  peoples  who  were  still  showing  signs  of  unrest. 
The  Scythians,  the  Armen,  the  Moushki  and  the 
Ourarti  did  him  homage.  The  hegemony  of  the 
Medes  did  not  arrest  the  evolution  of  the  Armenian 
people,  to  whom,  from  this  moment,  the  classic 
authors  call  attention.  Xenophon  speaks  of  the  ex- 
istence of  an  Armenian  king  who  is  reported  to  have 
shown  hostile  proclivities  at  a  moment  when  a  change 
of  dynasty  made  of  Cyrus  the  master  of  the  world 
(b.  c.  550).  This  king  of  Armenia  was,  however, 
constrained  to  send  his  son  Tigranes  as  an  hostage 
to  the  Persian  court.  Tigranes,  who  was  a  valiant 
prince,  entered  the  army  and  gained  the  friendship 
of  Cyrus.  He  served  through  the  Lydian  campaign 
and  took  part  in  the  siege  of  Babylon  and  these  serv- 
ices were  the  means  of  his  being  permitted  to  suc- 
ceed his  father.     Until  this  moment  several  kings, 

■*8  Arsamousat  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Arzania,  opposite  Bajou 
and  Armavir  on  the  Araxes,  the  site  of  which  is  known  as  Tepe- 
Dibi,  may  be  considered  to  be  the  first  localities  built  by  the  Ar- 
menian petty  kings. 


1 8     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

who  bore  the  name  of  Tigranes,  had  succeeded  oth- 
ers known  as  Orontes  and  the  Armenians  had  made 
quiet,  unostentatious  progress.  The  insurrections, 
which  broke  out  more  or  less  everywhere,  when  Da- 
rius ascended  the  throne  extended  to  Armenia. 
When  the  revolt  was  put  down  Darius  made  of  Ar- 
menia a  Persian  satrapy  under  the  name  of  Armina 
or  Armenik  (b.  c.  518).  The  satraps  of  Armenia, 
whose  names  and  deeds  are  unknown,  were,  as  a 
general  rule,  allied  by  blood  with  the  Median  Royal 
family.  The  tribute  paid  by  Armenia  consisted  of 
30,000  colts  and  of  a  few  talents  of  raw  silver. 
Besides  this  the  Armenians  were  required  in  time 
of  war  to  equip  a  certain  quota  of  soldiers.  It  is 
for  this  reason  that  they  figured  in  the  armies  of 
Darius  and  Xerxes  during  Median  wars.  This 
state  of  vassalage  and  the  influence  of  the  Iranian 
language  and  customs  were  such  that  the  Armenians 
lost  all  consciousness  of  their  own  national  existence 
and  were  welded  into  the  mass  of  the  Iranians. 
During  the  two  centuries  of  submission  to  Persian 
domination  the  Armenians  enjoyed  great  prosperity, 
and  a  period  of  uninterrupted  development.  Their 
attachment  to  the  royal  power  became  so  accentu- 
ated that  Armenian  archers  and  horsemen,  in  large 
numbers,  joined  the  armies  of  Darius  Codomanus 
to  combat  Alexander  at  Issas. 

When  the  Persian  Empire  was  overthrown  Ar- 
menia passed  under  the  sway  of  the  Macedonians. 
At  the  death  of  Alexander,  Perdiccas  gained  the 
upper  hand.  Eumenes  placed  eastern  Armenia  un- 
der the  governorship  of  a  national  prince  named 
Artavasd,  and  this  governor  was  succeeded  by  an- 
other prince  of  the  same  name  and  afterwards  by 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     19 

Hrand.  When  the  ultimate  division  came  about  the 
Satrapies  of  Armenia  fell  to  the  Seleucids  who  were 
content  to  allow  the  government  to  remain  in  the 
hands  of  native  princes,  whom  they  treated  with 
kindness  when  their  lieutenants  were  strong  men  and 
whom  they  did  not  hesitate  to  menace  and  to  intimi- 
date when  it  was  felt  that  such  practices  could  safely 
be  attempted. 

The  Seleucids  were  primarily  engrossed  with  the 
attitude  of  the  war-like  tribes  camped  near  the  east- 
ern extremity  of  their  empire,  in  Bactria  *^  and 
Parthyene.^®  A  descendant  of  Darius  Codomanus 
placed  himself  at  the  head  of  Parthian  warriors, 
known  as  the  Mazkouthes,^^  in  order  to  found  a  new 
power,  the  kingdom  of  the  Arsacid  Parthians.**^ 
Tiridates  and  Artabanus,  successors  of  the  mon- 
arch just  referred  to,  took  Media  and  pushed  their 
conquest  as  far  as  the  Tigris.  The  Seleucids,  men- 
aced on  the  east  by  the  Parthians  and  on  the  north 
by  the  rising  kingdoms  of  Asia  Minor,  enjoyed  but  a 
semblance  of  authority  over  Armenia  where  reigned 
Hrand  and  Archam.  Antiochus  the  Great  (b.  c. 
222-186)  entrusted  the  native  generals  Artasches 
and  Zareh  °^  with  the  government  of  Armenia,  plac- 
ing the  former  in  charge  of  the  country  lying  near 
the  Araxes  and  the  latter  in  control  of  the  territory 
bordering  upon  the  Euphrates.  The  new  satraps, 
who  had  entered  into  relations  with  the  kingdoms 

<9  Bokhara. 
50  Khoraan. 
^^  The  Gouchans  of  Armenian  writers. 

52  Arsacid  is  an  adjective  derived  from  the  noun  Arsace  which 
was  the  title  adopted  by  the  kings  of  Parthia.  Arsace  is  a  corrup- 
tion of  the  Sanscrit  word  Khajarsha  (Xerxes),  which  signifies 
king  or  rather  king  of  kings. 

53  Artaxas  and  Zarides. 


20    ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

of  Asia  Minor,  did  not  hesitate  to  declare  them- 
selves independent  when  Antiochus  the  Great  was 
defeated  by  the  Romans  at  Magnisi  (b.  c.  i86). 

The  Seleucid  domination  had  lasted  for  a  century 
and  a  half  without  in  any  sense  changing  the  destiny 
of  the  Armenian  people.  Whilst  the  conquest  of 
Alexander  had  altered  conditions  in  Egypt,  Syria 
and  in  Asia  Minor  and  the  arts  and  sciences  had 
taken  a  great  forward  bound  along  the  shores  of  the 
Mediterranean,  the  Armenian  remained  isolated, 
relegated  to  suffer  such  conditions  as  obtained  in  the 
Oriental  world  —  and  also  kept  in  ignorance  of  the 
art  of  writing.  No  trace  is  found  of  a  monument  or 
of  any  form  of  art  dating  from  these  centuries  of 
Persian  and  Seleucid  domination.  Cities  of  Arme- 
nian origin,  such  as  Armavir,  Zarcharan,  Bagaran 
and  Archamoussat,  are  either  mere  names  or  shape- 
less ruins. 


CHAPTER  II 

The  formation  of  Armenian  royalty  —  The  Tigranian  Dynasty  — 
Kings  elected  by  the  Romans  and  the  Parthians  —  The  Arsacids  of 
Armenia  —  Organization  of  the  royalty,  territorial  division  —  The 
great  feudatories  —  The  people,  their  customs  and  religious  beliefs. 

The  dominions  of  Artasches  and  of  Zareh,  who 
had  taken,  with  the  consent  of  the  Roman  Senate, 
the  title  of  king,  were  reduced  to  narrow  limits. 
The  two  kings,  however,  concentrating  their  efforts, 
enlarged  their  possession  at  the  expense  of  their 
neighbors.  They  took  from  the  Medes  territory 
adjacent  to  the  Caspian  Sea,  as  well  as  Varpoura- 
can;^  from  the  Iberians  or  Virks,^  Phaunitide  *  and 
Gogarene  ;^  from  the  Chalybes  and  the  Mosyneques, 
Korenitide  ^  and  Derxen  f  from  the  Cataons,  Akili- 
sene,^  and  from  the  Syrians  Taronitide.^  The  ris- 
ing kingdoms  of  Armenia  were,  however,  far  from 
constituting  an  homogeneous  whole;  side  by  side 
with  unassimilated  elements,  masters  of  great  landed 
estates  divided  the  territory  and  counterbalanced  the 
royal  authority.  It  became  necessary  to  found  a 
new  capital  to  replace  Armavir  which  no  longer  lay 
upon  the  Araxes  as  the  waters  of  that  river  had 

iVan. 

^  The  modern  Georgians  and  Gurdjis. 

3  Kars. 

*  Ardahan. 
■*  Erzroum. 
^Terdjan. 

7  Erzindjian. 

*  Mouche. 

at 


22     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

receded  from  their  former  bed.  The  new  royal  res- 
idence called  Artoschat,^  from  the  name  of  its  foun- 
der, was  also  built  on  the  Araxes,  on  a  fortified  site. 
According  to  a  tradition,  Hannibal,  having  taken 
refuge  in  Armenia,  conceived  the  plan  of  the  new 
town.  Artasches  died  about  b.  c.  i6o,^°  and  was 
succeeded  by  his  son  Artavasd,  who  according  to 
legend  fell  a  victim  to  insanity. 

Mithradates  II,  called  the  Great,  the  Ninth  Ar- 
sace  ^^  of  the  Parthians  (b.  c.  114-86),  had  turned 
his  arms  against  the  King  of  Araxian  Armenia  who 
had  taken  from  the  Medes  and  Iberians  certain  dis- 
tricts the  restitution  of  which  was  insisted  upon  by 
Mithradates.  The  resistance  which  the  Parthian 
Arsace  encountered  In  Armenia  prevented  him  from 
regaining  the  lost  districts,  but  he  seized  the  Crown 
Prince  of  Armenia  and  held  him  as  an  hostage. 

This  prince  became  Tigranes  the  Great.  He  was 
only  able  to  ascend  the  throne,  about  B.  c.  95,  as  the 
result  of  ceding  to  the  Parthians  the  territory  cap- 
tured by  his  fathers. 

As  a  consequence  of  the  difficulties  which  arose, 
from  the  inception  of  his  reign,  between  him  and 
Verdanes,  king  of  Euphratean  Armenia,  Tigranes 
attacked  Verdanes,  vanquished  him  and  put  him  to 
death  and  thus  became  the  sole  king  of  the  two  Ar- 

9  Artaxata. 

1°  Several  facts  which  the  history  of  Moses  of  Khorene  attaches 
to  the  reign  of  Artasches  II  (latter  part  of  the  first  century  A.  D.) 
appear  to  find  their  proper  place  during  the  epoch  of  the  founder 
of  the  royalty.  The  marriage  of  the  sovereign  with  Sathini,  daugh- 
ter of  the  king  of  the  Alains,  heralded  by  the  songs  of  the  Trouba- 
dours, the  taking  possession  of  the  domain  of  Argam,  in  little 
Media,  the  warlike  character  and  insanity  of  his  son  Artavasd  all 
relate  to  the  earlier  period. 

11  See  note  No.  52  in  Chapter  I. 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     23 

menias  and  his  sovereignty  extended  from  the  valley 
of  the  Kour  as  far  as  Cappadocia  and  Melitene. 
The  reign  of  Tigranes  the  Great,  which  lasted  forty 
years,  was  a  flash  of  lightning  in  the  history  of 
Armenia. 

In  a  contest  with  Rome  in  which  he  was  allied 
with  Mithradates  Eupator,  King  of  Pont,  his  father- 
in-law,  Tigranes  expelled  from  the  throne  of  Cappa- 
docia the  king  placed  thereon  by  Sylla.  He  ex- 
tended his  dominion  over  Iberia,  Atropolene,^-  Ad- 
iabene,^^  Osrohene,^^  penetrated  as  far  as  Assyria 
and  forced  the  Parthian  Arsace  to  accord  him  the 
title  of  King  of  Kings.  He  then  went  to  Cilicia 
and  entered  Syria  as  far  as  Phenicia  and  made  of 
these  countries  one  of  his  satrapies.  When  these 
conquests  were  achieved  he  founded  a  new  capital, 
Tigranocerta,^^  which  he  peopled  with  inhabitants 
carried  off  from  the  towns  of  Cappadocia.  The  city 
was  hardly  finished  before  it  was  adorned  with  mon- 
uments and  theaters,  whither  Greek  tragedians  and 
artists  were  attracted  by  Queen  Cleopatra,  the  pro- 
tectress of  Greek  letters.  Artavasd,  the  eldest  son 
of  Tigranes,  cooperated  with  the  queen  in  this  work. 

The  successes  of  Tigranes,  however,  disturbed  the 
Romans.  LucuUus,  appointed  to  the  command  of 
the  armies  of  the  Orient,  seizing  upon  a  pretext, 
marched  upon  Tigranocerta,  took  it,  and  sacked  it, 
after  having  completely  routed  the   army  of  Ti- 

12  Atrpatacan-Aderbeijan. 

1*  Gordyene. 

"  Ourf  a. 

i^The  site  of  Tigranocerta  Is  not  definitely  known.  Sometimes  it 
is  located  at  Mejafarkine,  a  fortified  locality  to  the  east  of  Diarbe- 
kir,  and  thence  again  at  Tel-Arinen  to  the  south  of  Mardine,  whilst 
Armenian  authors  identify  it  with  Diarbekir  itself  without  taking 
into  account  the  data  furnished  by  the  ancients. 


24    ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

granes.  Lucullus  turned  northwards  for  the  pur- 
pose of  attacking  the  old  capital,  Artaschat,  but  he 
was  set  upon  and  defeated  by  Tigranes  and  his  fa- 
ther-in-law, Mithradates,  and  compelled  to  abandon 
this  idea  and  to  retreat  with  his  decimated  legions. 
The  success  of  the  allies  was  destined,  nevertheless, 
to  be  short-lived.  Pompey,  appointed  to  succeed  Lu- 
cullus, vanquished  Mithradates,  and  marched  upon 
Artaschat.  Tigranes,  dependent  solely  upon  his 
own  resources,  was  constrained  to  surrender.  Upon 
arriving  at  the  camp  of  Pompey  the  King  of  Armenia 
agreed  to  relinquish  all  of  his  conquests  and  to  pay 
an  indemnity  of  6,000  talents.  Armenia  was  thus 
reduced  to  its  ancient  limits  (b.  c.  54). 

Tigranes's  son,  Artavasd,  who  fluctuated  between 
the  two  rival  powers,  the  Romans  and  the  Parthians, 
and  who  was  held  to  be  responsible  for  the  disaster 
of  Crassas,  fell  into  a  trap  which  was  laid  for  him 
and,  with  his  wives  and  children,  was  captured  by 
Antony.  Banished  to  Egypt,  Cleopatra  rid  her- 
self of  him  by  having  him  decapitated  the  day  after 
the  battle  of  Actium  (b.  c.  36  or  34).  The 
throne  of  Armenia  was,  for  a  short  while,  assigned 
to  Alexander,  son  of  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  and 
then  to  Artavard,  King  of  Atropotene,  but  the  house 
of  Tigranes  regained  the  throne  under  the  protec- 
tion of  Augustus.  The  dynasty  of  the  Tigranes  was 
extinguished  shortly  afterwards  in  the  person  of 
Erato,  a  sister  of  Tigranes  IV,  (a.  d.  10).^^ 

i^The  kings  of  the  house  of  Artasches-Tigranes  were:  Arta- 
schese  I  (b.  c.  190-160);  Artavasd  I;  Tigranes  I;  Artaschese  II, 
Artavasd  II  (b.  c.  108-95;  Tigranes  II  (the  Great)  (b.  c.  95-54); 
Artavasd  III  (a.  c.  54-36  or  34);  Artaschese  III;  Tigranes  III; 
Tigranes  IV;  Erato;  Artavasd  IV;  Tigranes  IV  (2nd  time); 
Tigranes  V  and  Erato  (2nd  time). 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     25 

The  extinction  of  the  royal  family  brought  an- 
archy in  its  wake.  The  Armenian  notables,  torn 
asunder  through  internal  dissensions,  accepted  what- 
ever prince  the  Romans  and  Parthians  imposed  upon 
them.  No  Armenian  prince  was  able  to  assure  the 
succession  to  the  throne  to  his  descendants,  and  this 
form  of  government,  which  lasted  for  two  centuries, 
made  of  the  Armenian  royalty  a  puppet  in  the  hands 
of  the  Romans  and  the  Parthians.  The  first  of  these 
elected  kings  was  Vonones  (a.  D.  16),  brother  of 
Arsace  Fraat  IV.  He  was  supported  by  Rome  but 
menaces  directed  against  him  by  Artaban  forced  him 
to  abdicate.  Zenon,  son  of  Queen  Pitidoris  of 
Pont,  put  forward  by  Rome,  remained  on  the  throne 
until  his  death.  He  was  succeeded  by  Mithradates 
who  in  turn  was  followed  by  Khadamistes.  They 
were  relatives  of  the  King  of  Iberia.  Under  their 
rule  Armenia  was  in  a  state  of  anarchy.  The  pre- 
ponderance then  passed  to  the  Parthians,  and  Va- 
larses  I,  their  ruler,  notwithstanding  the  resistance 
offered  by  Corbulon,  who  commanded  the  Roman 
legions,  was  able  to  place  his  younger  brother  Tirid- 
ates  upon  the  throne. ^^  The  accession  of  Tiridates 
was  finally  recognized  by  Rome  when  (a.  d.  64)  he 
consented  to  go  to  the  capital  in  order  there  to  pay 
homage  to  Nero.^^  His  successor,  who  was  desig- 
nated by  Rome,  was  Aschkatarque,  but  Chosroes  of 
Parthia  dethroned  him  and  replaced  him  by  his 
nephew  named  Barthamassir.  This  intervention 
brought  about  a  mighty  expedition  directed  by  Tra- 

17  Tirite. 

18  Certain  Armenian  writers  desire  to  date  from  the  reign  of 
Tiridates  the  accession  of  Armenian  Arsacides.  This  prince  was  a 
contemporary  of  Nero  and  accordingly  such  a  deduction  fails  to 
take  in  consideration  well-established  facts  of  an  anterior  date. 


26     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

jan  who  occupied  Armenia  as  far  as  Karin/^  and 
made  of  it  a  Roman  province  (a.  d.  114).  Bartha- 
massir,  who  swore  fealty  to  Rome,  was  killed  when 
he  sought  to  escape  from  the  Roman  camp.  Ha- 
drian, departing  from  the  policy  followed  by  Trajan, 
permitted  Armenia  to  choose  as  king  a  prince  of 
Arsacidian  origin,  named  Akemenid.  The  destinies 
of  Armenia  were  drifting  along  in  this  way  when 
the  Emperor  Antoninus  turned  over  the  throne  to 
Soyemus,  a  descendant  of  the  royal  family  of 
Emesa,^*^  a  Roman  Senator  of  outstanding  reputa- 
tion. The  answer  of  the  Parthians  was  an  imme- 
diate declaration  of  war  and  Soyemus  was  com- 
pelled to  take  to  flight.  Lucius  Verus,  colleague 
of  Marcus  Aurelius,  renewed  the  expedition  of 
Trajan,  took  Ctesiphon  and  once  again  pillaged 
Selencia.  The  Roman  candidate  returned  and  fin- 
ished his  reign  (about  A.  D.  166).  His  successor, 
named  by  Rome,  was  Sanatrouc,  son  or  nephew 
of  one  of  the  Abgares  of  Osrhoene.  This  prince, 
in  a  short  while,  fell  a  victim  to  the  Parthians, 
for  Artaban  IV,  taking  advantage  of  the  civil  war 
which  arose  between  Niger  and  Septimus  Severus, 
caused  him  to  perish  as  the  result  of  a  plot 
which  had  been  fomented  by  the  Armenian  nota- 
bles whom  Artaban  had  gained  over  to  his  side. 
Many  useful  enterprises  were  carried  out  by  San- 
atrouc among  which  may  be  pointed  out  the  foun- 
dation of  the  city  of  Mzour  at  the  confluence  of 
the  two  branches  of  the  Euphrates.  Moses  of 
Khorene  confounds  this  city  with  NIssibine.  This 
is  the  outstanding  event  of  his  reign  of  27  years 
(a.  D.    193)     excepting    always    the    legends    kept 

i»  Erzroum.  20  Horns. 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     27 

alive  by  the  national  chronicles,  according  to  which 
Sanatrouc  occupied  the  throne  during  the  first 
half  of  the  first  century  and  embraced  Christianity 
only  to  recant.  It  is  also  handed  down  that  his 
daughter  Sandought,  a  zealous  Christian,  highly 
honored  by  the  National  Church,  suffered  martyr- 
dom at  the  same  time  as  the  apostles  Thadeus  and 
Bartholomy,  said  to  have  come  to  Armenia  about 
this  time  for  the  purpose  of  evangelizing  the 
country. 

After  Artaban  ^^  had  dethroned  Sanatrouc  he 
raised  one  of  his  brothers  or  nephews,  Valarses,  to 
the  throne  of  Armenia.  This  prince  rapidly  obtained 
the  assent  of  the  more  powerful  men  of  the  country 
and  founded  a  dynasty  which  maintained  its  ascend- 
ancy in  Armenia  until  the  first  quarter  of  the  fifth 
century.  It  suited  the  policy  of  Rome  henceforth  to 
support  these  Arsacides,  for  they  were  looked  upon, 
after  the  fall  of  the  elder  branch  thereof,  as  the  polit- 
ical enemies  of  the  Sassanids,  who  had  become  the 
new  adversaries  of  Rome  in  the  Orient.  The  new 
kings  of  Armenia  were  called  Arsace,  in  imitation  of 
the  Parthian  sovereigns  and  the  generic  designation 
of  Arsacid  or  Archacouni  was  applied  to  their  dyn- 
asty.2^ 

Valarses  was  a  renowned  and  clear-visioned  prince 
and,  following  out  the  policy  called  for  by  the  needs 
of  his  country,  yielded  fealty  to  Rome.     He  founded 

21  Artaban  belonged  to  that  line  of  Arsacides  known  as  Pahlavi 
or  Pehlevi. 

22  The  national  chronicles  agree  that  a  prince  named  Valarses  or 
Valarsaces  was  the  founder  of  the  Archacouni  but  they  fix  the  date 
of  his  accession  at  B.C.  150  and  make  of  Artasches  and  Tigranes 
successors  of  this  prince,  and  in  this  way  entirely  lose  sight  of  those 
facts  which  history  shows  took  place  in  Armenia  during  the  first 
and  second  centuries  before  Christ. 


28     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

the  city  of  Valarsapat  ^^  on  the  site  of  Vardghes,  not 
far  from  the  Araxes,  and  this  city  became  the  capital 
of  the  Archacouni  until  A.  D.  340.  To  him  is  also 
due  the  castle  of  Valas-Kert,^^  in  the  upper  basin  of 
the  Arzania,  on  the  road  between  Erzroum  and 
Tebris. 

Armenia,  after  having  been  left  in  peace  for 
twenty  years,  was  again  troubled  by  senseless  acts 
of  aggression  on  the  part  of  the  Roman  Emperor 
Caracalla.  This  potentate,  desirous  of  achieving 
what  he  deemed  to  be  a  success,  summoned  Valarses 
of  Armenia  before  him,  apparently  for  the  purpose 
of  obtaining  from  him  information  in  regard  to  a 
contest  which  was  then  pending  between  Valarses 
and  his  sons.  The  Armenian  king  was  held  as  pris- 
oner and  died  in  captivity.  The  Emperor  Macri- 
nus,  who  succeeded  Caracalla,  showed  clemency  to 
the  Armenians,  who  took  sides  with  Parthia  in  the 
war  against  Rome,  and  he  recognized  Tiridates,  son 
of  Valarses,  as  their  king. 

The  general  insurrection  stirred  up  by  Artaschir, 
the  Sassanid,  reversed  the  Parthian  Empire  (a.  d. 
226).  This  chieftain,  an  orthodox  follower  of 
Zoroaster,  sought  to  bring  about  the  complete  anni- 
hilation of  the  entire  Arsacidian  line,  and  attacked 
Armenia,  but  without  success,  owing  to  the  interven- 
tion of  a  Roman  army  led  by  Alexander  Severus. 
Shapur  I,  son  of  Artaschir,  renewed  the  attack,  put 
to  flight  the  Armenian  King,  Tiridates  II,  and  or- 

23  The  site  of  Valarsapat  is  often  confused  with  that  of  Etchmia- 
zine,  situate  at  a  distance  of  twenty-five  kilometers  to  the  southwest 
of  Erivan,  on  the  River  Abaran.  Valarsapat,  which  afterwards  was 
called  Nor-Kaak  (new  city),  is  the  most  famous  place  in  the  annals 
of  Armenian  Christianity. 

2*  Now  Alaschquert  or  Toprak-Kale, 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     29 

dered  that  the  worship  of  fire  be  universally  intro- 
duced into  the  country.  The  success  obtained  by 
the  King  of  Palmyra  over  the  Sassanid  ruler  enabled 
the  Romans  to  reestablish  their  influence  in  Armenia 
and  to  call  to  the  throne  Chosroes,  son  of  Tiridates. 
Shortly  afterwards  this  king  fell  into  a  trap  which 
was  laid  for  him  by  Shapur  of  Persia  and  (a.  d. 
271)  he  was  killed  by  his  relatives  and  court  dig- 
nitaries. The  life  of  his  son,  also  named  Tiridates, 
was  barely  saved  but  he  was  able  to  escape  and  was 
carried  to  Roman  territory.  Thus  Armenia  fell 
once  again  under  the  domination  of  the  Sassanid 
kings  and  there  remained  until  Ctesiphon  was  taken 
by  the  Roman  Emperor  Carus  (a.  d.  283). 

Shortly  afterwards  Diocletian  designated  the 
youthful  Tiridates  III,  who  had  grown  up  in  Rome, 
as  King  of  Armenia.  Tranquillity  seemed  to  be  es- 
tablished but  the  Sassanid  Nerses  ^^  (a.  d.  293- 
303)  returned  to  the  charge.  Tiridates  took  to 
flight,  as  his  uncle  had  done,  but  in  a  short  while 
he  returned  with  a  Roman  army  led  by  Galerius. 
The  victory  obtained  by  this  general  and  the  policy 
enforced  by  Diocletian  assured  a  period  of  peace 
which  lasted  until  the  reign  of  Constantine.  The 
reign  of  Tiridates  III,  notwithstanding  these  mis- 
fortunes, was  made  memorable  by  the  official  con- 
version of  Armenia  to  Christianity,  a  fact  which  has 
proved  to  be  of  immense  importance  to  the  destinies 
of  the  Armenian  people.^* 

During  the  days  of  the  Arsacids  the  kingdom  of 

25  Nerseh. 

28  The  following  is  a  chronological  list  of  the  first  Arsacides  of 
Armenia:  Valarses  (a.d.  193);  Roman  domination  (197);  Tirida- 
tes II  (216)  ;  Artavasd  named  governor  by  Persia  (253)  ;  Chosroes 
(261-271);  Persian  domination  (271-286);  Tiridates  III  (287). 


30    ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

Armenia  included  a  number  of  territories  or  coun- 
tries designated  as  follows:  (a)  Ararat,  including 
the  districts  of  Araxiana,^^  Chirac,^^  Vanande,^''* 
Bassen,^®  Bagrevand,^^  Sunik,^^  Minor  Media, ^^ 
Oudi  and  Artzakh,  inhabited  principally  by  Albani  ;^^ 
(b)  Gougark  and  Taik,^^  inhabited  principally  by 
the  Virk;^^  (c)  Vaspouracan ;^'''  (d)  Mocs,  to  the 
south  of  the  Lake  of  Van;  (e)  Taron,^^  (/)  Karen- 
itide  ^^  including  the  district  of  Derdjan;  (g)  Soph- 
ene  ^^  and  (h)  Arzen.^^ 

The  kingdom  of  Armenia,  modeled  upon  the  lines 
of  the  old  monarchies  of  the  Orient,  was  composed 
of  regions  and  countries  devoid  of  homogeneity  and 
which  the  landed  proprietors  divided  among  them- 
selves. This  rule  obtained  even  in  the  days  when 
the  limits  of  Armenia  were  much  circumscribed. 
The  chiefs  of  these  families  called  Nakharar,  Iscp- 
kan,  BdeTchk,  Khahap  or  Sadrape,  held  the  land  un- 
der an  hereditary  title.  There  was  no  central 
power,  nor  regular  army,  nor  organized  justice. 
The  system  which  prevailed  was  typically  feudal. 

27  Valarsapat. 

28  Ani. 

29  Kars. 

30  Hassan-Kale. 
81  Alachkert. 

32  Karabagh. 

83  Her-Khoi. 

3*  The  Albani,  known  to  Armenian  writers  as  the  Aghouans,  who 
embraced  Christianity  during  the  fourth  century,  were  finally 
merged  into  the  Armenians. 

35  Ardahan. 

38  Georgians. 

37  Van. 

38  Bitlis  and  Mouche. 

39  Erzroum. 
*9  Kharpout. 

*iArzanene,  Arghi,  Diarbekir. 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     31 

The  lords  were  the  vassals  of  the  king  but  this  did 
not  prevent  them  from  carrying  on  war  and  from 
ridding  themselves  of  a  prince  who  no  longer  suited 
them.  The  king  had  his  estates  and  his  personal 
income,  just  as  did  the  lords  of  the  country.  The 
Arsacid  kings  were  the  owners  of  the  plains  of  Ar- 
axiana  and  of  Bagrevand,  besides  possessing  estates 
and  castles  in  Akilisene,  Sophene  and  Taron.  A 
certain  number  of  dignitaries  were  directly  dependent 
upon  the  pleasure  of  the  king  such  as  the  office  of 
Hazarapet  or  collector  of  revenue  in  rural  districts, 
the  commandership  of  the  royal  troops  (which  be- 
came hereditary),  and  the  trust  of  Mardpet  or  guar- 
dian of  the  domestic  household  which  carried  with  it 
the  administration  of  the  royal  estates. 

The  number  of  feudal  families  who  divided  the 
soil  among  themselves  was  very  great.  Some  of 
these  were  as  wealthy  as  the  royal  house;  their  chiefs 
were  accorded  precedence  at  court  and  punctiliously 
observed  the  rules  established  by  the  protocol.  The 
Bagratid  family,  which  apparently  occupied  the  post 
of  highest  honor,  was  originally  a  sacerdotal  fam- 
ily. The  title  of  Aspet  was  accorded  the  Bagratids 
and  it  was  their  privilege  to  crown  the  king.  They 
possessed  the  districts  of  Sper,  Vanand  and  Elhirae. 
During  the  sixth  century  they  acquired  added  im- 
portance as  kings  of  a  part  of  Armenia.  Another 
family  of  great  nobles  was  that  of  Camsaracan.  It 
was  of  Parthian  or  Pahlavian  origin  and  enjoyed 
great  prestige  on  account  of  its  relationship  to  the 
Arsacids.  The  celebrated  family  of  Mamiconian, 
also  of  foreign  origin,  perhaps  hailing  from  Sogdi- 
ana,  appears  to  have  emigrated  to  Armenia  during 
the  days  of  Tiridates  II.     The  house  possessed  im- 


32     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

portant  estates  to  the  north  of  Taron.  Celebrated 
as  warriors  its  members  bore  the  title  of  Sparapet  or 
commanders  of  the  royal  troops,  which  charge  was 
hereditary  in  the  family  and  so  remained  even  after 
the  fall  of  the  royalty.  They  were  renowned  for 
the  austerity  of  their  habits,  their  sense  of  duty  and 
their  loyalty  to  their  friends.  The  powerful  family 
of  Arzrounis,^^  which  traced  its  ancestry  to  the  days 
of  the  kings  of  Ourartou,  at  first  possessed  the  dis- 
trict of  Azen,  to  the  south  of  Taronctid  and  then 
also  the  country  of  Van,  which  was  obtained  during 
the  days  of  the  Median  conquest.  The  policy  of 
the  Arzrounis  consisted  in  living  on  good  terms  with 
both  the  Sassanid  dynasty  and  the  Cahfs.  The  Bag- 
ratids,  the  Mamiconians  and  the  Arzrounis  all  en- 
joyed high  favor  at  the  court  of  Byzantium.  Their 
warlike  valor  attained  for  them  great  fame  in  the 
Byzantine  armies.  Another  family  not  less  cele- 
brated was  the  house  of  Sunik  ^^  which  took  its  or- 
igin from  the  Saces  and  which  settled  in  the  district 
to  the  east  of  the  Lake  of  Sevan, ^^  as  early  as  the 
eighth  century  before  Christ.  They  were  related 
by  blood  to  the  Bagratids  and  even  to  the  Sassanids. 
The  Rouchtounis,  who  were  likewise  descendants  of 
the  kings  of  Ourartou  and  held  important  demesnes 
to  the  south  of  Lake  Van,  were  dispossessed  thereof 
by  the  Arzrounis,  during  the  expeditions  of  Sapor  II. 
The  family,  however,  did  not  disappear  and  several 
of  the  name  were  connected  with  Armenian  affairs 
during  the  days  of  Byzantium  and  of  the  Arabs. 

*2  The  family  also  bore  the  name  of  Vaspouracan,  a  title  con- 
ferred by  the  kings  of  Persia. 
*^  Sanides. 
**  Sevanga. 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     33 

The  Armenian  people  was  not  divided  into  castes 
as  obtained  among  certain  of  the  people  of  the  Cau- 
casus. To  that  nucleus  formed  by  the  Armeno-Hai 
tribes  was  joined  a  part  of  the  ancient  inhabitants 
of  Ararat,  the  fusion  thus  produced  having  been  the 
result  either  of  conquest  or  of  political  Interest.  In 
Armenia  there  were  but  two  classes  of  men:  the 
landed  proprietors  or  the  nobility  on  the  one  hand 
and  the  proletariat  on  the  other.  The  right  of 
heredity  in  the  possession  of  the  soil  was  the  corner 
stone  of  the  social  organization.  The  chief  of  the 
family  absorbed  in  his  person  all  of  the  attributes  of 
the  family;  his  sons  and  grandsons  and  their  wives 
owed  him  and  accorded  him  implicit  obedience.  A 
father  did  not  surrender  his  daughter  except  in  ex- 
change for  a  present.  Among  the  people,  where  the 
smallness  of  their  resources  necessarily  limited  the 
number  of  wives,  domestic  life  was  calm  and  affec- 
tionate. Among  the  nobility  polygamy  was  in- 
dulged in  and  the  wealthy  had  numerous  wives.  In 
society  built  along  such  lines  organized  justice  could 
not  find  a  footing.  Crimes  were  punished  if  and  as 
it  might  happen  to  suit  the  king  or  the  lord.  Tor- 
ture was  the  basic  penalty.  Criminals  as  well  as 
those  accused  of  crime  were  thrown  into  dungeons. 
The  condemned  were  either  decapitated  or  stoned  to 
death,  as  obtained  among  the  Persians.  The  eyes 
of  political  prisoners  were  put  out.  The  lords  as 
well  as  the  poor  were  steeped  in  the  depths  of  ignor- 
ance. The  Armenians,  not  being  able  to  write  their 
language  until  the  middle  of  the  fifth  century,  A.  D., 
remained  in  intellectual  darkness  for  many  ages,  and 
were  therefore  long  compelled  to  content  themselves 
with  oral  traditions  and  the  songs  of  troubadours. 


34    ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

The  Armenians  as  a  rule  believed  in  the  existence 
of  invisible  spirits  and  in  the  influence  which  they 
were  supposed  to  exercise  over  the  life  of  man. 
The  spirits  were  either  good  (Katchk)  or  bad 
(ATss).  The  good  spirits  were  the  authors  of  good 
and  the  bad  spirits  of  evil.  Credence  was  placed  in 
all  kinds  of  fantastic  beings,  as  well  as  in  magic  and 
in  witchcraft.  It  was  believed  that  these  spirits 
sometimes  took  the  form  of  monsters,  such  as  drag- 
ons, of  men  with  the  head  of  a  dog,  known  as  Ara- 
lez,  or  of  hideous  wild  bulls  having  their  habitat  in 
the  beds  of  lakes  and  rivers. 

The  worship  of  oracles  was  carried  on  at  Armavir 
in  a  manner  similar  to  that  obtaining  among  the 
Pelasgians,  the  Armens  having  transported  this  prac- 
tice to  the  table-land  of  Ararat,  their  new  fatherland. 
The  oracle  gave  forth  its  decree  amidst  the  gentle 
rustling  of  a  sacred  platane  called  Soss.^^  This  was 
an  attribution  of  a  living  soul  to  inanimate  objects 
and  a  belief  in  powerful  anthropomorphic  spirits 
who  made  their  voices  heard  when  the  wind  blew  in 
sacred  spots,  such  as  recalls  the  Jehovah  of  the  He- 
brews. 

The  worship  of  Armavir  was,  after  a  short  while, 
supplanted  by  Asiatic  paganism  and  more  particu- 
larly by  the  worship  of  the  great  goddess  Anahit 
or  Anaitis,'*^  who  was  the  goddess  of  love,  the  fore- 
most female  of  the  world,  and  the  source  of  life, 
strength   and  wisdom.     Her   worship   was   spread 

*5The  Roman  Platanum  Arraeniacum. 

*8  The  name  Anahit,  which  the  Persians  applied  to  the  Asiatic 
goddess,  having  borrowed  the  title  from  the  Zoroastrian  text,  was 
adopted  by  the  Armenians  during  the  days  of  Persian  domination. 
It  is  known  that  her  golden  statue  of  the  temple  of  Erez  was  car- 
ried away  by  the  Romans  at  the  time  of  Antony's  expedition. 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     35 

through  Asia  Minor,  the  Pont  and  Cappadocia,  and 
obtained  at  Erez  in  Akilisene  and  Aslichat  in  Taron. 
The  Cult  of  Anahit  ended  by  assuming  a  national 
character  among  the  Armenians.  She  was  referred 
to  as  Queen  Anahit,  the  great  goddess,  the  glory 
and  the  providence  of  the  nation.  Her  most  solemn 
feast  was  celebrated  when  the  roses  are  blooming  in 
their  greatest  splendor.  She  was  also  known  as 
Vardavar,  the  bearer  of  roses.  By  the  side  of 
Anahit  reigned  Vahagn  and  Astghik,  forming  with 
her  a  species  of  trinity  in  the  primitive  pantheon  of 
Armenia.  Vahagn  was  essentially  the  masculine 
god  and  was  looked  upon  as  the  destroyer  of  mon- 
sters, the  god  of  valor.  It  would  appear  as  if  he 
were  the  Semitic  Baal  and  comparable  to  the  Her- 
cules of  the  Greeks.  His  name  Vahagn  is  an  abbre- 
viation of  the  Sanscrit  appellation  Veretraghna. 
Astghik,  the  little  star,  was  the  goddess  of  voluptu- 
ousness, the  protectress  of  woman.  She  was  prob- 
ably the  Babylonian  Nane  or  Nana. 

Armenian  paganism  took  a  new  forward  bound 
when,  as  a  sequel  to  the  conquests  of  Tigranes,  the 
galaxy  of  divinities  was  enriched  by  new  gods  and 
goddesses  imported  from  Asia  Minor  and  Syria. 
Zeus,  Athenaia,  Apollo,  Mihr,  Baal-Samen  were 
adopted  by  the  Armenians,  who  did  so  all  the  more 
readily  because  they  had  been  initiated  into  their 
worship  during  the  days  of  the  Seleucid  domination. 
The  names,  which  were  given  to  these  gods,  were 
borrowed  from  the  Avesta  because  it  was  a  custom 
among  the  Armenians  to  apply  to  all  ideas  connected 
with  religion  a  nomenclature  borrowed  from  the 
Zend.  Zeus  became  Aramazd,  the  creator  of 
heaven  and  earth,  the  father  of  the  gods.     Apollo 


36    ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

was  called  Tir.  Temples  In  their  honor  were  not 
erected  In  Van  but  with  this  exception  they  were 
built  more  or  less  everywhere  In  Akillsene,  at  Arta- 
chat,  Pagaran  and  Astlchat.  The  priests  of  this 
latter  locality  constituted  a  caste  and  styled  them- 
selves Vahounlk. 

These  Zoroastrlan  names,  similar  to  other  names 
borrowed  from  Mazdalan  theology,  have  given  rise 
to  the  supposition  that  the  Armenians  practiced  the 
religion  of  Zoroaster  or  at  any  rate  that  the  cult  of 
the  sacred  fire  was  observed  during  the  days  of  Per- 
sian hegemony.  There  were  perhaps  a  few  families 
and  a  few  princes  who  followed  this  religion  but  at 
all  events  the  gods  of  the  Armenian  Pantheon  per- 
sonified other  religious  Ideas  and  were  of  a  distinctly 
Asiatic  character.  It  may  be  added  that  during  the 
days  of  the  Sassanid  dynasty  the  Armenians  gave 
abundant  proof  of  the  intense  aversion  felt  by  them 
for  the  practices  of  Iranian  Mazdaism. 


CHAPTER  III 

The  conversion  to  Christianity;  the  Patriarchate  and  the  Armenian 
Church;  the  dawn  of  Armenian  literature. 

It  was  at  the  very  dawn  of  the  fourth  century 
that  Christianity  became  the  dominant  religion  of 
Armenia.^  The  new  faith  had  already  taken  deep 
root  in  the  country  and  had  many  adherents,  but  the 
legends  which  surround  its  early  days  are  such  as  to 
make  it  impossible  to  gauge  the  circumstances  which 
brought  about  the  conversion  of  Tiridates  III  and 
of  the  court.  The  chroniclers  and  the  National 
Church  award  to  Clovis  of  Armenia  the  title  of 
Great  and  place  him  among  the  hierarchy  of  the 
saints  in  appreciation  of  the  commanding  part  taken 
by  him  in  the  marvelous  work  incident  to  bringing 
about  the  official  conversion.  It  was  undoubtedly 
through  Cappadocia  and  Osrhoene  that  Christianity 
made  its  way  into  Armenia,  but  of  its  early  days 
nothing  is  known  and  the  same  want  of  accurate  in- 
formation obtains  as  to  its  spread  until  the  com- 
mencement of  the  fourth  century  witnessed  the  con- 
version of  Tiridates.  It  is  true  that  legend,  handed 
down  by  Armenian  chroniclers,  has  it  that  the 
apostle  Thadeus  brought  about  the  first  conversions 
but  this  statement  lacks  historical  confirmation. 

^  The  exact  date  cannot  be  established.  Mgr.  Ormanian  declares 
unequivocally  that  the  conversion  took  place  in  301,  others  with 
equal  certainty  agree  upon  304  or  305;  while  still  other  critics  fix 
the  date  at  285. 

37 


38     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

According  to  the  best  available  lights  TIrldates 
was  a  ruler  of  consummate  tact  and,  having  care- 
fully summed  up  the  situation,  had  the  foresight  to 
rely  for  his  support  upon  the  growing  Christian 
party.  It  would  appear  that  this  line  of  policy  was 
urged  upon  him  by  the  royal  secretary,  Gregory, 
who  had  embraced  the  new  faith.  The  conversion 
of  TIrldates  did  not  fall  to  give  rise  to  various  leg- 
ends, one  of  which  attributes  his  adoption  of  Chris- 
tianity to  two  Christian  virgins  of  entrancing  beauty, 
Galane  and  Hrlbslme,  who  had  taken  refuge  In  Ar- 
menia during  the  days  of  the  persecution  of  Diocle- 
tian. TIrldates  cast  longing  eyes  upon  them  and 
they  suffered  martyrdom  rather  than  yield  to  his  em- 
braces. Another  legend  has  It  that  TIrldates  gained 
for  Gregory  a  martyr's  crown  by  having  him  thrown 
into  a  dungeon. 

This  Gregory  was  the  son  of  a  Parthian  noble, 
established  in  Armenia,  whose  family  had  partici- 
pated in  the  murder  of  the  father  of  TIrldates.  He 
had  been  sent  to  Caesarea  while  still  very  young,  In 
order  to  learn  Greek  and  prepare  himself  to  fill  the 
office  of  Royal  Secretary,  which  appears  to  have  been 
a  charge  devolving  upon  his  family.  It  was  there 
that  he  embraced  the  new  faith  and  was  christened 
Gregory.  He  was  able,  upon  his  return  to  Armenia, 
to  ingratiate  himself  Into  the  king's  favor  and  to  win 
the  good  will  of  the  court  and  of  the  nobles  and  he 
became  the  great  apostle  of  Armenia.  His  sons, 
Vartanes  and  Arlstaches,  also  went  to  Caesarea,  In 
order  to  pursue  the  course  of  studies  and  prepare 
themselves  for  the  career  followed  by  their  father. 
No  one  was  more  worthy  of  the  rank  and  dignity  of 
bishop  of  the  new  cult  than  the  zealous  Christian 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     39 

who  had  brought  about  the  official  conversion  of 
Armenia.  This  honor  was  conferred  upon  him  by 
Tiridates,  who  sent  him  in  great  pomp  to  Caesarea 
so  that  he  might  receive  the  necessary  episcopal  con- 
secration from  the  Metropolitan  of  that  city.  In 
order  to  carry  out  his  mission  Gregory  surrounded 
himself  with  a  numerous  clergy  recruited  in  Syria  and 
in  Cappadocia  and  thus  was  he  able  to  spread  knowl- 
edge of  the  faith  through  Armenia.  His  younger 
son,  Aristaches,  who  had  been  raised  to  the  episco- 
pacy, became  his  father's  collaborator  and  continued 
to  work  while  his  father,  a  victim  of  the  hatred  of 
enemies,  secluded  himself  from  the  world  and  de- 
voted himself  to  a  life  of  asceticism.  If  the  national 
chronicles  may  be  accepted  as  accurate  Gregory  was 
still  living  when  the  bishops  of  Armenia  were  sum- 
moned to  attend  the  council  of  Nicaea,  which  Con- 
stantine  convened  in  325  in  the  hope  of  putting  an 
end  to  religious  dissensions.  It  was  Aristaches  who 
promulgated,  in  Armenia,  the  Nicaean.^ 

The  work  accomplished  by  Gregory  gained  for 
him  the  title  of  the  Illuminator,  an  honor  which  he 
signally  merited  when  the  brilliancy  of  his  achieve- 
ment is  considered.  The  glory  of  his  resplendent 
figure  has  been  handed  down  by  the  Armenian  peo- 
ple from  age  to  age  and  the  National  Church,  with 
fitting  justice,  places  him  in  the  first  rank  of  her 
galaxy  of  saints.  The  part  played  by  Tiridates  in 
this  civilizing  movement  yielded  in  no  sense  to  the 

2  The  following  are  the  first  Patriarchs  of  Armenia  (House  of 
Gregory):  Gregory  the  Illuminator  (301),  his  sons  Aristaches 
(325)  and  Vartanes  (332)  ;  Toussic,  son  of  Vartanes  and  son-in-law 
of  Viran  (339)  ;  Pharene  (347)  ;  Nerses,  the  last  Patriarch  conse- 
crated at  Caesarea  (352)  ;  Sahak,  Zaren  and  Aspourages  (373-386), 
Sahak,  son  of  Nerses  (387-439). 


40    ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

brilliant  record  of  Gregory.  This  prince,  who  con- 
tributed so  largely  to  the  national  evolution,  may 
well  be  considered  the  most  illustrious  of  his  dyn- 
asty. The  same  fate,  however,  awaited  him  as  be- 
fell the  better  part  of  the  princes  of  his  family.  A 
plot  was  formed  against  him  and  a  violent  death 
meted  out  to  him  about  the  year  330.  Just  as  his 
predecessors  had  been  unable  to  hold  in  check  the 
great  nobles  of  the  kingdom,  Tiridates  was  com- 
pelled to  contend  against  a  movement  fomented  by 
Persia  and  participated  in  by  the  Armenian  nobility. 
Shapur  II,  King  of  Persia,  viewing  with  concern  the 
progress  of  Christianity,  incessantly  encouraged  these 
intrigues  and  plots  against  Tiridates.  The  Arme- 
nian king  was  wounded  during  a  hunting  expedi- 
tion and  while  in  this  condition  was  given  poison 
by  his  chamberlain  who  formed  part  of  the  con- 
spiracy against  the  life  of  the  Sovereign. 

His  son  Chosroes  II  reigned  in  peace  and  en- 
joyed sufficient  leisure  to  be  able  to  found  a  new  city, 
Dovine  or  Trine,  not  far  from  Valarsapat,  but  on 
a  more  elevated  site.  This  new  city  became  the  cap- 
ital of  Armenia  during  the  days  of  the  Sassanids 
and  of  the  Arabs.  Tiran,  the  grandson  of  Tirid- 
ates, had,  however,  hardly  ascended  the  throne  be- 
fore he  fell  into  a  snare  which  was  laid  for  him  by 
Shapur  II.  He  was  accused  of  having  espoused  the 
cause  of  Rome  and  he  was  thrown  into  prison,  after 
his  enemies  had  first  put  out  his  eyes  (349) .  When 
Tiran's  son,  known  to  history  under  the  generic 
name  of  Arsace,  came  to  the  throne,  he  sought  in 
vain  to  humble  the  nobles,  but  in  the  midst  of  the 
many  difficulties  engendered  by  the  war  between  the 
Romans  and  the  Persians,  he  was  unable  to  accom- 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     41 

pHsh  his  purpose.  He  was  supported  for  a  moment 
by  the  power  of  Rome  but  was  compelled  to  take 
flight  as  a  result  of  the  civil  war  set  in  motion  by 
the  Arzrounis  and  other  partizans  of  Persia.  When 
finally  he  consented  to  present  himself  before 
Shapur,  in  order  to  fulfill  his  duty,  he  was  seized 
and  thrown  into  a  castle,  where,  driven  to  despera- 
tion and  out  of  sheer  despair,  he  killed  himself 
(367).  His  general-in-chief,  Vassak  Mamiconian, 
who  accompanied  him,  was  skinned  alive  and  his 
body  suspended  at  the  gate  of  the  prison.  The  same 
fate  befell  the  king's  son,  Papa,  who  sought  to 
carry  out  a  policy  of  maintaining  good  relations,  at 
one  and  the  same  time,  with  both  Rome  and  Persia. 
The  Roman  Emperor  Valens,  who  suspected  Papa, 
caused  him  to  fall  into  a  trap  laid  for  him  by  Trajan, 
who  commanded  the  Roman  legions  quartered  in 
Armenia. 

These  conditions  made  the  throne  of  Armenia  ab- 
solutely untenable.  The  partizans  of  royalty,  the 
Mamiconians,  thought  that  they  could  solve  the  diffi- 
culty by  calling  to  power  at  the  same  time  the  two 
sons  of  Papa,  to  one  of  whom  they  offered  that 
portion  of  Armenia  bordering  upon  Persia,  and  to 
the  other  that  zone  contiguous  to  the  Roman  Em- 
pire. This  plan  proved  to  be  of  no  avail.  Theo- 
dosius,  who  had  but  recently  ascended  the  Imperial 
throne,  preferring  to  live  in  peace  with  Persia, 
agreed  to  a  partition  of  Armenia  (384)  along  lines 
proposed  by  Shapur  II,  several  years  previously. 
Thus  the  greater  portion  of  the  country  became  a 
vassal  state  of  Persia  and  the  remainder,  including 
Karenitide,  Sophene  and  a  part  of  Taronitide,  a 
Roman  province.     The  last  scions  of  the  Arsacids, 


42     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

Chosroes,  Vram-Schapouh  and  Artaschir,  continued 
to  reign  over  that  part  assigned  to  the  Sassanids  un- 
til Bahram  V  decided  in  428  to  convert  it  into  a 
Persian  province.  Thus  was  wrecked  the  dynasty 
of  Armenian  Arsacids,  which  the  Roman  aegis  had 
safeguarded  until  the  days  of  Theodosius  I.  The 
rivalry  of  contiguous  powers  had  contributed  to  this 
fall,  but  internal  dissensions  had  enormously  facil- 
itated the  work  of  external  foes.^ 

The  conversion  of  Tiridates  and  the  rank  and  dig- 
nity of  primate  which  he  as  king  had  conferred  upon 
Gregory,  had  resulted  in  bringing  the  Armenian 
Church  into  being  without  any  extraneous  interven- 
tion of  any  kind  and  without  the  interposition  of 
any  other  church  or  ecclesiastical  authority  whatso- 
ever. The  foundation  of  the  Armenian  Church  was 
therefore  preeminently  and  exclusively  a  national 
work  and  accordingly  from  its  very  inception  this 
institution  had  its  own  constitution.  The  successors 
of  Gregory  were  his  sons,  his  grandson  and  his  great 
grandsons,  Nerses  and  Sahak.^  As  the  last  named 
left  no  male  descendants,  the  see  was  occupied  from 
that  moment  by  monks,  in  accordance  with  the  cus- 
tom obtaining  in  the  Church  of  the  Orient.  Many 
of  these  prelates  maintained  inviolate  the  prestige 
attached  to  their  high  office  and  were  able  to  exer- 
cise a  commanding  authority  over  great  and  small. 
They  began  by  assuming  the  title  adopted  by  the 
chiefs  of  the  churches  of  Iberia  and  of  Persia ;  that  is 

•Chronology  of  Christian  Arsacids:  Tiridates  III  (287),  Chos- 
roes II  (330),  Tiran  (338),  Arsace  (349),  Papa  (368),  Varazdat 
(374),  Persian  occupation  (379),  Arsaces  and  Valarses  (379-384), 
Partition  of  Armenia  (384),  Chosroes  III  (384),  Vramshapouh 
(387),  Chosroes  (2nd  incumbency)    (419),  Artaschir  (423-428). 

*  Isaac. 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS    43 

by  styling  themselves  Catholicos,  a  Greek  appella- 
tion corresponding  to  that  of  universal  primate. 
Drawing  their  powers  from  the  high  rank  ascribed 
to  the  sacerdotal  state,  the  Catholicos  were  always 
surrounded  with  every  possible  consideration. 
They  became  the  representatives  of  the  nation, 
played  an  important  part  in  political  affairs,  and 
constituted  a  species  of  civil  authority  which,  as  time 
rolled  by,  was  respected  even  by  the  foreign  con- 
querors whether  they  were  Byzantine,  Persian,  Arab 
or  Turkish. 

The  first  Patriarchs  established  their  see  at  Val- 
arsapat,**  under  the  shadow  of  the  Arsacids  and  in 
this  way  abandoned  the  first  church  founded  by 
Gregory  at  Aschetichat  in  Taron,  on  the  site  of  the 
old  temple  of  Anahit.  It  was  towards  the  end 
of  the  fifth  century  that  John  Mandacouni  (478- 
490)  transferred  the  ecclesiastical  seat  to  Dovine, 
the  capital  of  Persarmenia.  The  legend  of  the 
church  of  Valarsapat  had  not  yet  sprung  into  being 
and  the  basilica  there  situate  had  not  at  that  mo- 
ment acquired  the  importance  which  it  assumed  in 
the  seventh  century,  when  Cathohcos  Comitas  (615— 
628)  brought  about  the  reconstruction  of  the  church 
which  had  fallen  into  ruins. 

The  national  character  of  the  Armenian  Church 
was  emphasized  by  the  creation  in  the  fifth  century 
of  an  Armenian  literature  followed  practically  sim- 
ultaneously by  the  translation  of  the  Holy  Books. 
Until  that  date  the  Bible  and  the  ritual  had  always 
been  read  either  in  Greek  or  Syriac  followed  by  an 
immediate  translation  into  the  vernacular.  The  Ar- 
menian Church  still  preserves  most  of  her  ancient  tra- 

^  Etchmiazin. 


44    ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

ditions.  She  honors  the  saints  and  martyrs  of  the 
early  Christians  and  has  sanctified  such  of  her  own 
children  as  have  lent  luster  to  her  foundation  or  as 
have  sacrificed  their  lives  in  the  defense  of  their 
faith.  Icons  have  never  attained,  in  Armenia,  that 
ascendancy  which  they  have  obtained  in  other 
churches.  The  clergy,  which  in  most  cases  is 
elected  by  the  faithful,  in  no  sense  forms  a  caste, 
and  refrains  from  participating  in  politics. 

The  computation  of  time  established  by  the  Ar- 
menian Church,  which  takes  as  its  basis  not  the  days 
of  the  month  but  those  of  the  week,  fixes  the  feasts  of 
the  Church  in  a  manner  somewhat  different  from 
that  followed  by  the  Greek  Church.  The  great 
feasts  are  Theophany  ^  which  is  celebrated  on  Janu- 
ary 6th  (Julian  Calendar)  as  was  the  case  during 
the  early  days  of  Christianity;  Easter,  calculated  ac- 
cording to  the  old  style;  Ascension,  the  40th  day 
after  Easter;  Pentecost,  the  loth  day  after  Ascen- 
sion; Transfiguration  or  Vardavar,  the  7th  Sunday 
after  Pentecost;  the  Assumption  of  the  Blessed  Vir- 
gin, the  Sunday  nearest  to  August  15th;  the  Exalta- 
tion of  the  Cross,  the  Sunday  between  the  nth  and 
17th  of  September  (old  style). 

Sundays  are  dedicated  exclusively  to  the  Resurrec- 
tion or  to  any  other  dominical  feast;  Wednesdays 
and  Fridays  are  reserved  for  penitential  liturgies 
and  for  abstinence. 

The  Armenian  bishops  took  no  part  in  that  bitter 
religious  strife  which  waged  during  the  fourth  and 
fifth  centuries  In  respect  to  the  nature  of  Christ. 
They  confined  themselves  to  accepting,  purely  and 
simply,  the  decisions  emanating  from  the  councils  of 

^  Christmas  and  Epiphany. 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS    45 

Nicaea  (325),  Constantinople  (381),  and  Ephesus 
(431).     The  dogmas  propounded  by  these  three 
CEcumenical   councils   were    accepted   alike   by   the 
Church  of  the  Orient  and  by  that  of  the  Occident 
as  embodying  the  essential  principles  of  Orthodoxy 
and  accordingly  the  Armenian-ecclesiastical  author- 
ities yielded  implicit  obedience  thereto  but  at  no  time 
recognized  as  binding  upon  them  any  other  enuncia- 
tions emanating  from  any  other  international  con- 
clave.    In  Armenia  the  decrees  of  the  council  of 
Chalcedon  did  not  give  rise  to  any  general  interest, 
for,  at  that  time  (450-484),  the  whole  population 
was  engaged  in  a  struggle  against  Persia  in  defense 
of  the  faith  and  therefore  was  involved  in  the  per- 
formance of  a  duty  too  solemn  to  permit  of  any  par- 
ticipation  in    those    purely    controversial    questions 
which  were  then  dividing  the  Christian  world  into 
hostile  camps.     The   Armenian  bishops,   who   had 
been  cruelly  disappointed  in  not  receiving  the  help  of 
the  Emperor,  bore  a  bitter  resentment  against  the 
Greek  clergy  on  account  of  their  crafty  policy.     The 
Armenian  Church  espoused  the  cause  of  the  see  of 
Alexandria,  whose  Orthodoxy  had  never  been  ques- 
tioned, and,  even  for  a  moment,  accepted  the  terms 
of  the  Henotikon  or  the  edict  of  union  promulgated 
by    the    Emperor   Zeno.     The    innate    repugnance 
which  the  national  clergy  felt  for  the  new  doctrines 
enunciated  by  the  council  of  Chalcedon  so  incensed 
the  Byzantine  ecclesiastical  dignitaries  that  the  Ar- 
menian Church  was  denounced  by  the  latter  as  hereti- 
cal.    The  Armenians  not  only  ignored  this  finding 
but  Catholicos  Babghen  (506)  convened  a  conclave 
of  bishops  who  anathematized  Nestorius  and  Euty- 
ches  as  heresiarchs  and  devoted  itself  to  an  ener- 


46     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

getic  refutation  of  the  decisions  handed  down  at 
Chalcedon.^  From  and  after  this  moment  the  Ar- 
menians definitely  broke  off  all  spiritual  communion 
with  the  Greek  and  Roman  Churches. 

The  Armenian  Church  accepts  as  the  basic  prin- 
ciples of  Christianity  the  dogmatic  definitions  form- 
ulated by  the  first  three  CEcumenical  councils;  the 
Trinity,  the  Incarnation  and  the  Redemption.  Any 
other  article  of  faith  or  any  other  doctrinal  question 
may  be  accepted  or  rejected  either  in  pursuance  of 
a  decision  arrived  at  by  a  given  council  of  the  Church 
or  in  accordance  with  an  interpretation  adhered  to 
on  the  authority  of  a  recognized  doctor  of  the 
Church,  without  in  any  sense  impairing  the  unity  of 
faith  which  links  together  all  members  of  the  same 
church.  It  is  essential,  however,  that  the  opinion, 
thus  adhered  to,  be  in  no  sense  at  variance  with  those 
fundamental  doctrines  sanctioned  by  the  first  three 
CEcumenical  councils.  This  broad  comprehensive 
view  of  Christianity,  this  liberalism  in  its  truest 
sense,  has  resulted  in  instilling  into  the  Armenian 
Church  a  spirit  of  toleration  and  forbearance  truly 
consonant  with  that  doctrine  of  peace  and  good  will 
to  all  men  which  underlies  those  principles  sanctified 
on  Calvary.  Standing  immovable  and  inflexible  in 
all  primordial  matters  of  faith  and  morals  the  Na- 
tional Church,  appealing  to  its  countless  martyrs  in 
confirmation  of  the  divinity  of  its  mission,  allows  its 
communicants,  in  all  non-essentials,  the  exercise  of 
the  widest  individual  latitude. 

^  As  a  matter  of  fact  the  Armenian  Church  professes  the  superi- 
ority of  the  divine  nature  of  Christ  and  is  therefore  Monophysite, 
just  as  was  the  Church  of  Alexandria.  The  Armenian  must  not, 
however,  be  confused  with  the  Jacobite  Church  which  became  heir 
to  the  Monophysite  doctrine  of  Eutyches. 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS    47 

While  Armenian  royalty  was  in  the  throes  of  dis- 
solution a  truly  national  event  occurred  which  was 
destined  to  play  an  important  part  in  the  history  of 
the  country,  for  it  was  then  that  the  Armenian  alpha- 
bet was  evolved.  This  accomplishment  was  the 
work  of  two  celebrated  men;  one  of  whom  was  the 
Patriarch,  Sahak,  the  last  descendant  of  Gregory, 
and  the  other,  his  collaborator,  Mesrop,®  who  was  a 
native  of  the  district  of  Taron,®  a  scion  of  a  noble 
family,  a  man  of  great  erudition  and  well  versed 
in  all  matters  both  civil  and  military.  Before  enter- 
ing Holy  Orders  he  had  been  the  Royal  Secretary. 
His  religious  zeal  and  ardent  patriotism  suggested 
to  him  the  idea  of  translating  the  Sacred  Writings. 
He  communicated  his  project  to  Sahak  and  the  two 
collaborators  sought  the  aid  of  the  king,  Vramscha- 
pouh,  in  the  execution  of  an  undertaking  destined  to 
obviate  the  necessity  of  drafting  all  royal  deeds 
either  in  Greek  or  Syriac. 

After  eight  years  of  research  and  effort,  (404), 
Mesrop  devised  the  thirty-six  letters  of  the  Arme- 
nian alphabet  which  reproduce  all  of  the  sounds  of 
that  language.  In  comprising  the  characters  of  the 
most  ancient  Armenian  manuscripts,  the  letters  *"♦ 
/»«    t^   t*    ^»    f»    ^«    ^»   1 1    kt    li    '^^   ^«    li    "» 

ly,      *t,      ",      in,      «-,      ^,      ^:      M,      fiy      9-,      ?• ,      fr,      5, 

resemble  the  old  characters  of  the  Greek  alphabet 
with  a  few  curves  added  to  or  removed  therefrom. 
The  origin  of  the  letters  Z!i«^>z»^»*-»<»<*»^,/,/, 

8  Also  known  as  Mascbtbotz. 
*  Mouche. 


48     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

has  not  as  yet  been  determined,  although  several  of 
them  seem  to  be  derived  from  the  Syriac. 

The  work  of  Mesrop  appeared  to  his  contem- 
poraries to  be  so  marvelous  a  production  that  his 
disciple  Corune  saw  therein  a  divine  revelation. 
Owing  to  the  want  of  accurate  information,  subse- 
quent chroniclers  were  forced  to  be  satisfied  with 
more  or  less  vague  explanations  as  to  the  formation 
of  the  Armenian  alphabet.  One  thing,  however,  is 
definitely  known  and  that  is  that  before  Mesrop's 
contribution  to  phonetics  no  attempt  had  ever  been 
made  with  any  other  characters  to  transliterate  that 
aggregate  of  sounds  which  constitutes  the  Armenian 
language. 

The  first  work  undertaken  was  the  translation  of 
the  Bible,  and  to  accomplish  this  result  Sahak,  Mes- 
rop and  a  group  of  their  pupils  devoted  their  united 
efforts.  They  began  with  the  Syriac  text  but  dis- 
carded it  and  adopted  the  Greek  version  known  as 
the  Septuagint.  The  work  took  many  years  of  ar- 
duous toil  and  was  completed  in  433.  They  then 
translated,  or  composed,  the  liturgy  of  Saint  Basil 
of  Csesarea.  Certain  customs,  borrowed  from  pag- 
anism, which  Gregory  had  transformed  into  Chris- 
tian rites,  were  incorporated  into  this  work,  which, 
as  a  result  of  these  interpolations,  has  caused  the 
ritual  of  the  Armenians  to  differ  somewhat  from  that 
of  the  Greek  Church.  It  may  be  said  that  the  trans- 
lation of  the  Sacred  Books  created  the  literary  lan- 
guage. The  work  of  Mesrop  impressed  a  distinct 
individuality  upon  the  National  Church  with  the  re- 
sult that  this  eminently  National  Church  and  exclu- 
sively National  written  language  assured  to  the  Ar- 
menian people,  through  the  ages,  a  consciousness  of 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS    49 

their  own  particular  existence  such  as  no  other  agency 
could  possibly  have  engendered.  Thus  no  names 
are  more  venerated  in  all  history  by  the  people  of 
Armenia  than  those  of  Sahak  and  Mesrop  and  their 
memory  is  held  in  high  honor  by  the  National 
Church.  Mesrop  died  in  439  or  440  a  few  months 
after  his  collaborator  had  passed  away. 

As  soon  as  the  alphabet  had  been  transcribed  the 
Armenian  language  blossomed  forth,  enriched  with 
a  most  extensive  vocabulary  and  supplied  with  the 
entire  paraphernalia  necessary  for  reproducing  in  a 
most  striking  and  faithful  manner  the  entire  reper- 
toire of  sacred  literature.  This  vocabulary  pos- 
sesses an  originality  and  flexibility  of  incomparable 
literary  adaptability  and  has  all  of  that  lyricism 
which  at  once  recalls  the  Hebraic  poetry  of  old. 
Great  as  may  have  been  the  genius  of  Mesrop  and 
of  his  associates  no  instrument  so  powerful  could 
have  been  called  into  being  under  the  inspiration  of 
the  hour.  Their  work  displays  that  infinite  pa- 
tience, great  erudition,  and  incomparable  power  of 
assimilation  which  are  the  hall-marks  of  genius. 

A  half  century  ago  the  Armenian  language  was 
considered  to  be  a  language  standing  in  a  sphere  all 
its  own.  Since  then  Peterman,  De  Lagarde, 
Hubschmann  and  Muller  have  been  able  to  trace  it 
to  its  original  source.  It  is  allied  to  the  western 
branch  of  Aryan  languages  rather  than  to  the  Ira- 
nian branch.  Recourse  has,  however,  been  had  to 
Pahlavi  and  to  Syriac,  not  for  the  fundamental 
structure  of  the  language,  but  for  the  purpose  of  en- 
riching its  vocabulary.  The  phonetic  formation  has 
naturally  been  modified  as  a  result  of  contact  with 
the  dialects  of  Asia  Minor  and  of  the  Caucasus. 


50    ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

The  literary  movement  in  Armenia  was  confined 
to  the  limited  circle  of  monks  and  ecclesiastics, 
whose  intellectual  activity  drifted  principally  towards 
a  study  of  the  Sacred  Books,  theology,  dogmatics, 
homilies  and  religious  poetry.  These  clerics,  never- 
theless, dealt  with  a  few  philosophical  subjects,  biog- 
raphy, history  and  chronicles.  The  historians  were, 
however,  wanting  in  the  necessary  critical  sense, 
philosophical  turn  of  mind  and  proper  conception  of 
synthesis.  A  refutation  of  the  religious  sects  of 
Eznik,  issued  by  the  original  school  of  translators, 
is  deemed  to  be  a  gem  of  Armenian  literature. 
There  the  language  shines  forth  in  all  of  its  bril- 
liancy. The  history  of  Fautus  of  Byzantium  also 
dates  from  this  same  epoch.  It  abounds  in  descrip- 
tions of  a  genuine  wealth  of  coloring  but  the  style 
partakes  somewhat  of  the  conversational  manner  of 
speaking  prevalent  at  that  period  and  the  work, 
therefore,  as  a  whole,  deviates  from  the  standard  of 
the  classics.  The  book  of  Agathangel,  or  the  mar- 
velous narrative  of  the  conversion  of  Armenia,  is 
also  one  of  the  works  of  the  translators,  perhaps  of 
Corune,  who  likewise  wrote  a  biography  of  Mesrop. 
The  history  of  Moses  of  Khorene  contains  the  first 
attempt  to  publish  a  general  history  from  the  earliest 
times  to  the  fall  of  the  Arsacids.  The  composition 
of  this  work,  such  as  it  is  known  to-day,  may  be 
attributed  to  the  seventh  or  even  to  the  eighth  cen- 
tury. 

Not  a  century  has  passed  but  that  the  language 
crystallized  by  the  translators  has  been  subjected  to 
trials  which  have  caused  it  to  lose  some  of  its  pristine 
qualities.  With  the  Arab  invasion,  Armenian  litera- 
ture felt  the  vexatious  influence  of  Oriental  litera- 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     51 

ture  abounding  in  metaphors,  and  prolific  in  intro- 
ducing into  the  narrative  digressions  of  interminable 
length.  Under  the  Tatars  and  Turks  this  literary 
decadence  reached  its  lowest  ebb  and  during  the 
eighteenth  century  the  Armenian  language  under- 
went such  a  metamorphosis  as  to  make  the  original 
tongue  unrecognizable.  Had  it  not  been  for  the 
work  of  the  Mekhitarists,  a  congregation  of  Ar- 
menians established  at  Venice,  and  the  impulsion 
given  to  public  education,  the  Armenian  language 
would  have  degenerated  into  a  liturgical  medium 
absolutely  unintelligible  to  the  nation. 


CHAPTER  IV 

Armenia    under    the    domination    of    the    Byzantine    Empire,    the 
Sassanids  and  the  Arabs. 

The  government  of  those  Armenian  provinces 
allotted  to  the  Empire  had  been  confided  by  Theodo- 
sius  to  a  magistrate  having  the  rank  and  dignity  of  a 
Roman  count.  The  country  formed  a  military  ter- 
ritory where  no  essential  modifications  were  intro- 
duced until  the  reign  of  Zeno,  or,  it  may  be  said,  until 
that  of  Justinian.  The  nobles  were  permitted  to 
enjoy  most  of  their  ancient  privileges,  such  as  their 
hereditary  right  to  the  possession  of  their  estates  and 
the  incident  feudal  appanages.  They  also  continued 
to  have  their  own  banners  and  their  men-at-arms. 
Following  the  example  of  the  Roman  Emperors  who 
had  built  the  great  fortresses  of  Melitene  and  of 
Amida,  Theodosius  II  (408-450)  caused  the  town 
of  Carine  ^  to  be  fortified  in  order  to  facilitate  the 
defense  of  his  new  dominions  against  the  Persians. 

Byzantine  Armenia  was  enjoying  the  blessings  of 
peace,  when,  during  the  reign  of  Zeno,  (416-491), 
the  nobles  of  the  districts  of  Sophene  and  of  Hant- 
sid  fomented  an  insurrection  because  Imperial  agents 
interfered  in  their  affairs.  Thereupon  Zeno  sup- 
pressed the  appanages  before  referred  to  and  re- 
placed the  Armenians,  who  until  then  served  in  the 
Imperial  guard,  by  appointing  in  their  places  Isauri- 

1  Theodosopolis. 

52 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     53 

ans,  his  fellow  countrymen.  Such  vexatious  meas- 
ures did  not,  however,  lessen  the  devotion  which  the 
people  and  clergy  felt  towards  the  Emperor  who  had 
devoted  his  efforts  to  appease  religious  quarrels. 
Likewise  during  the  reign  of  Anastasius,  Byzantine 
Armenia  had  no  serious  cause  of  complaint  when  the 
war  broke  out  which  Kavadh  declared  against  the 
Empire. 

That  portion  of  Armenia  which,  as  a  result  of  the 
partition,  fell  to  the  Sassanids,  and  which  Byzantine 
writers  style  Persarmenia,  preserved  intact  its  an- 
cient organization;  all  seigniorages  remained  invio- 
late and  the  national  militia  was  not  disbanded. 
Autonomy  obtained  in  fact  and  the  situation  created 
as  a  consequence  of  the  abolition  of  the  Armenian 
royal  line  involved  no  insupportable  conditions. 
The  Sassanids  contented  themselves  with  nominating 
a  high  commissioner,  a  magistrate  exercising  both 
civil  and  military  attributes,  chosen  among  the  dig- 
nitaries of  the  court.  The  official  thus  chosen  bore 
the  title  of  Marzpan.  The  only  thing  that  dis- 
turbed the  peace  of  Persarmenia  during  this  period 
was  the  religious  movement  of  Yazdegert  II  and  of 
Peroze,  which  lasted  for  fifty  years.  Among  the 
nobles  who  made  their  voice  felt  in  the  affairs  of 
the  country,  may  be  distinguished  Vahane  Amatouni 
designated  Hdzarapet;  Sahak,  the  chief  of  the  Bag- 
ratids;  Vassak  Suni  and  Vardane  Mamiconian. 
Vassak  was  related  to  the  Sassanids.  He  won  the 
favor  of  Bahram  V  and  through  the  influence  thus 
obtained  was  nominated  Marzpan  of  Iberia  and 
later  was  appointed  to  the  same  post  in  Armenia. 
Vardane,  who  was  the  maternal  grandson  of  the  Ar- 
menian Patriarch  Sahak,  was  placed  in  command  of 


54     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

the  national  militia.  He  continued  to  enjoy  the  title 
of  Stratelat  conferred  upon  him  by  Theodosius  II. 
He  was  the  foremost  man  of  the  country  and  the 
recognized  chief  of  the  national  party. 

Yazdegert  II,  King  of  Persia,  decided  to  act  upon 
the  advice  of  his  chief  minister,  Mihr-Naresh,  and 
not  only  to  banish  Christianity  from  his  realm  but 
to  seek  to  blend  all  peoples  into  one  whole  through 
the  medium  of  an  universal  religion.  He  therefore 
issued  an  edict  making  compulsory  the  profession  of 
Mazdaism  (449).  On  the  other  hand  the  new 
Marzpan,  Vassak  Suni,  did  his  utmost,  in  Iberia  and 
Armenia,  to  break  down  the  courage  of  the  Chris- 
tians. The  Armenians,  however,  exasperated  at 
such  practices,  revolted  and  Vardane  Mamiconian, 
at  the  head  of  his  troops,  marched  towards  the  fron- 
tier, against  the  Persians  who  sought,  by  force  of 
arms,  to  enforce  the  execution  of  the  royal  decree. 
The  higher  clergy  accompanied  Vardane  and  the 
Patriarch,  Joseph,  by  his  presence  and  his  counsel 
exhorted  the  defenders  of  the  Christian  faith.  The 
battle  took  place  at  Avarair,  in  Asia  Minor.  Var- 
dane, after  having  conducted  himself  in  a  most  heroic 
manner  together  with  more  than  a  thousand  of  his 
soldiers,  fell  mortally  wounded  upon  the  field  of  bat- 
tle. Nevertheless  he  did  not  die  in  vain,  for  so  great 
were  the  ravages  which  he  worked  among  the  Per- 
sian ranks  that  the  enemy  was  unable  to  pursue  its 
advantage,  and  thus  though  Armenian  arms  suffered 
a  military  defeat,  Christianity  emerged  victorious 
from  the  clash.  The  Armenian  Church  has  never 
forgotten  this  memorable  hour  when  Christianity 
successfully  resisted  the  attack  directed  against  it. 
To  this  day  homage  is  rendered  to  the  memory  of 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     55 

Vardane  and  to  all  who,  with  him,  gave  their  lives  in 
defense  of  the  faith. 

Religious  liberty  was  safeguarded  but  persecu- 
tions and  vexatious  practices  continued  during  the 
reign  of  Peroz.  A  revolution  broke  out  during  the 
incumbency  of  this  king,  at  the  head  of  which  was 
Vahane  Mamiconian,  a  nephew  of  Vardane  Mami- 
conian.  The  Persian  army  was  continuously  har- 
assed and  compelled  to  keep  on  the  defensive; 
finally  Valarse,  the  successor  of  Peroz,  decided  to 
subdue  Armenia  by  resorting  to  a  policy  of  mildness 
and  toleration.  Vahane  betook  himself  to  the  king 
and  was  by  him  nominated  Marzpan  of  Armenia. 
The  Christian  party  triumphed  and  Vahane  who  in- 
gratiated himself  into  the  good  graces  of  Kavadh, 
sought  to  repair  the  damage  which  had  been  done 
and  was  able  to  maintain  the  country  in  tranquillity 
for  a  quarter  of  a  century.  His  brother  Varde, 
however,  was  not  able  to  maintain  the  High  Com- 
missionership  for  more  than  three  years  as  he  was 
suspected  by  Kavadh  of  having  espoused  the  Byzan- 
tine cause  in  the  war  which  broke  out  about  this  time. 

The  war  which  Kavadh  declared  in  502  against 
the  Byzantine  Emperor,  Anastasius,  was  destined  to 
last,  in  one  form  or  another,  for  a  century  and  a 
half  and  in  the  end  to  exhaust  both  Persia  and  the 
Empire  of  the  Orient.  Armenia,  Mesopotamia, 
Syria  and  Asia  Minor  became  the  theater  of  this 
interminable  strife.  Both  beUigerents  crossed  and 
recrossed,  and  ravaged  and  pillaged  these  countries; 
first  the  one  and  then  the  other.  The  Persians  first 
captured  Theodosopolis.  The  following  year 
Amida  fell  into  their  hands  after  a  long  siege  during 
which  thousands  of  inhabitants  perished.     Anasta- 


56     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

sius  was  compelled  to  pay  an  indemnity  of  ii,ooo 
pounds  in  gold  in  order  to  obtain  the  retrocession 
of  these  fortresses  and  the  cessation  of  hostilities 
(506).  The  war  was  renewed  twenty  years  later 
under  Justinian  I  and  continued  until  Chosroes  as- 
cended the  throne  in  531.  The  flames  of  war  burst 
forth  again  in  540,  but  this  time  under  the  color  of 
answering  an  appeal  for  help  sent  out  by  Byzantine 
Armenia  which  had  been  sorely  tried  and  severely 
punished  as  the  result  of  a  revolution  which  had 
brolcen  out  about  this  time. 

The  governorship  of  Byzantine  Armenia  had  been 
confided,  by  Justinian,  in  528,  to  his  brother-in-law, 
Sittas,  a  general,^  and  then  to  the  Armenian  Ham- 
azasp  Mamiconian.  The  latter  was  removed  from 
office  and  condemned  to  death  upon  an  unconfirmed 
suspicion  of  holding  illegal  commerce  with  the  Per- 
sian enemy.  The  people,  driven  to  desperation  by 
the  oppressions  heaped  upon  them  by  his  successor, 
revolted  and,  taking  up  arms,  appealed  for  help  to 
the  Persian  king. 

Not  only  were  the  Armenians  harassed  by  all 
kinds  of  exactions  imposed  upon  them  and  subjected 
to  great  hardship  through  manifold  excesses  perpe- 
trated upon  them  by  over  zealous  governors,  who 
treated  them  as  enemies,  but  they  began  to  be  perse- 
cuted by  the  Byzantine  clergy  from  the  moment  Jus- 
tin I  set  himself  up  as  the  protector  of  Orthodoxy. 
In  order  to  divide  the  Armenians,  whose  tenacity  of 
purpose  and  loyalty  to  the  faith  of  their  fathers  ex- 
asperated the  Byzantine  clergy,  Justinian  and  his 
successors  devised  the  plan  of  transporting  large 

^  Sittas  created  a  new  and  important  administrative  subdivision 
of  the  country. 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     57 

numbers  of  Armenians  to  Thrace.  The  places  thus 
left  vacant  were  filled  by  Bulgarian  colonists.  Not- 
withstanding these  cruel  practices  and  the  religious 
hatred  engendered  thereby,  the  Armenians  did  not 
fail  to  enlist  in  the  Byzantine  armies  and  on  many 
occasions  during  the  wars  against  the  Persians  and 
the  Arabs  in  Asia  and  against  the  Bulgarians  and 
the  Avars  in  Europe  they  were  found  fighting  fore- 
most in  the  ranks  of  the  troops  of  the  Eastern  Em- 
pire. Many  of  the  most  illustrious  officers  of  the 
Byzantine  armies  were  Armenians. 

Persian  Armenia  suffered  but  little  during  the  first 
period  of  the  war  between  Persia  and  Rome.  Dur- 
ing this  epoch  the  country  was  administered  by 
Bourghane,  Den-Schapour,  Bahram  and  Varazdat, 
Persian  officials  who  understood  the  art  of  maintain- 
ing order  and  at  the  same  time  respecting  the  wishes 
of  the  nation.  The  Armenian  nobles,  led  by  the 
Mamiconians,  did  not  stir  up  trouble.  Besides,  the 
Persian  king,  Chosroes,  treated  his  Christian  sub- 
jects with  clemency.  He  showed  great  tact  in  his 
relations  with  the  Armenians,  even  though  he  was 
essentially  Oriental  in  all  respects  and  they  on  the 
other  hand  sympathized  with  the  Occident.  In  546 
the  King  of  Persia  designated  as  Marzpan  a  prince 
related  to  the  royal  family,  named  Surene.  This 
governor,  departing  from  the  line  of  conduct  ad- 
hered to  by  his  sovereign,  was  very  cruel  and  took 
up  an  attitude  of  distinct  hostility  to  the  nobles. 
Besides  so  conducting  himself  he  resolved  to  impose 
upon  the  people  the  religion  taught  by  the  ancient 
Persian  priestly  caste,  the  Magi,  and  in  order  to 
carry  out  this  purpose  he  caused  a  temple  to  be 
erected  at  Dovine  to  the  God  of  Fire.     A  revolu- 


58     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

tion  broke  out  when  he  put  to  death  the  chief  of  the 
National  party,  Manuel  Mamiconian,  who  was  re- 
ported to  have  acted  in  concert  with  Byzantium. 
The  Patriarch,  John  II,  and  Vardane,  the  brother  of 
Manuel,  put  themselves  at  the  head  of  the  people, 
whose  religious  ardor  had  been  stirred  to  the  very 
depth  of  their  soul,  and  in  their  indignation  they  put 
to  death  Surene  and  his  body-guard,  as  well  as  the 
Magi  (571). 

Inasmuch  as  a  state  of  war  existed  at  this  time  be- 
tween Byzantium  and  Persia,  the  revolt  unchained 
by  Vardane  became  the  signal  for  the  renewal  of 
active  hostilities  between  the  two  states,  when  the 
Emperor  Justinian  II  declared  that  he  took  Armenia 
and  Iberia  under  his  protection.  The  Persians  at 
once  invaded  Mesopotamia  and  Syria  and  compelled 
Justinian  to  pay  an  indemnity  of  45,000  pounds  in 
gold  in  order  to  obtain  an  armistice.  As  the  revolt 
continued  in  Persarmenia  and  as  Chosroes  suspected 
that  Byzantine  intrigues  were  not  foreign  to  this  dis- 
turbance, the  truce  was  broken  in  short  order. 
Chosroes  put  himself  at  the  head  of  his  troops  and 
set  out  to  invade  Melitene  and  Cappadocia.  This 
time,  however,  the  Byzantines,  among  whom  fought 
Vardane,  won  a  signal  victory.  The  King  of  Per- 
sia was  forced  to  take  to  flight.  Great  booty  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  victors.  The  queen  was  made 
a  prisoner  and  the  royal  tent  was  captured,  including 
the  sacred  fire  or  Atache  which  was  always  carried 
wherever  the  king  went.  Persarmenia  was  occu- 
pied, but  evacuated  pursuant  to  the  terms  of  a  new 
armistice  concluded  in  578.  The  retreat  of  the  By- 
zantine forces  put  an  end  to  the  insurrection  and 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     59 

at  the  same  time  Chosroes  decreed  a  general  am- 
nesty. 

The  throne  of  the  Caesars  was  now  filled  by  Maur- 
ice who,  contrary  to  precedent,  declared  that  he 
would  protect  the  Sassanid  dynasty.  He  thereupon 
sustained  Chosroes  II,  (590-628),  against  his  in- 
ternal enemies  and,  to  show  his  appreciation,  the 
King  of  Persia  turned  over  to  Maurice  the  for- 
tresses of  Mesopotamia.  He  also  surrendered  to 
the  latter  that  portion  of  Persarmenia  lying  between 
the  western  shore  of  the  Lake  of  Van  and  the  Valley 
of  the  Kour,  with  the  exception  of  Dovine.  Tran- 
quillity had  reigned  for  twelve  years  when  Chosroes, 
upon  the  pretext  of  avenging  Maurice,  renewed  hos- 
tilities. At  the  outset  the  Persians  met  with  success, 
to  such  an  extent  that  in  608  Chosroes  reached  the 
capital  of  Chalcedon  on  the  one  hand  and  on  the 
other  entered  Palestine,  as  far  as  Jerusalem.  Her- 
aclius,  however,  who  had  organized  a  formidable 
army,  was  soon  able  to  dislodge  the  Persians.  Dur- 
ing his  first  campaign  he  disembarked  in  Cilicia  in 
order  to  retake  Antioch  and  Jerusalem.  In  a  sec- 
ond campaign  he  reached  Armenia  by  way  of  Treb- 
izond  and  continuing  his  march  he  rushed  ahead  as 
far  as  Ctesiphon,  having  routed  Chosroes  in  the  in- 
terval. Persia  thereupon  signed  terms  of  peace, 
(629),  reestablishing  conditions  obtaining  during 
the  days  of  the  Emperor  Maurice. 

The  governorship  of  Persarmenia  had  been  al- 
lotted by  Kavadh  II,  (628),  to  Varaz-Tirotz  Bag- 
ratid.  The  Armenian  Marzpan,  who  did  his  utmost 
to  repair  the  damage  caused  by  the  war,  was  almost 
at  once  exposed  to  the  menaces  of  the  Satrap  of 


6o     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

Aderbeijan,  as  well  as  to  those  of  the  Armenian 
general,  Mjej-^Gnouni,  who  commanded  the  Byzan- 
tine forces  stationed  on  the  frontier.  This  soldier 
forced  the  reigning  Catholicos  Ezr  to  agree  to  a 
ritual  union  with  Byzantium. 

These  untoward  conditions  so  alarmed  Varaz-Tir- 
otz  that  he  became  alarmed  and  took  to  flight,  bring- 
ing his  family  with  him  and  leaving  his  country  to 
its  fate,  after  he  had  held  the  High  Commissioner- 
ship  for  seven  or  eight  years. 

The  bitter  fight  between  the  Eastern  Empire  and 
Persia  had  ended  by  shaking  the  throne  of  the  Sas- 
sanids.  The  Arabs,  who  had  conquered  Egypt  and 
Syria,  finally  completely  overthrew  this  dynasty 
(652).  The  new  conquerors,  the  Hagarians  ^  or 
the  Arabs,  to  apply  to  them  the  name  under  which 
they  are  known  to  the  Western  world,  had  already 
penetrated  into  southern  Armenia  (639).  This 
first  attack  had  been  repulsed  but.it  left  Persarmenia 
in  a  precarious  situation.  The  Patriarch,  Nerses 
III,  (641—661),  thereupon  invoked  the  help  of  Con- 
stans  II  and  through  him  Varaz-Tirotz,  the  former 
Marzpan,  was  nominated  to  the  chief  magistracy 
and  given  the  title  of  Curopalate.  As  the  new  ap- 
pointee died  within  a  year  of  his  incumbency,  his 
son,  Sembat  Bagratid,  was  appointed  to  succeed  him. 
Constans  gave  one  of  the  princesses  of  his  family 
in  marriage  to  Sembat.  In  the  meantime  the  Arabs 
took  Naxuana  and  marched  against  Dovlne  in  order 
to  sack  it.     It  therefore  became  necessary  to  treat 

^Armenian  chroniclers  speak  of  the  Arabs  as  Ismalians  but 
oftener  as  Hagarians.  The  name  is  derived  from  Hagar,  the 
mother  of  Ishmael.  The  term  Saracen  was  also  applied  by  them  to 
the  Arabs. 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS    6i 

with  the  Muslims  and  to  recognize  the  authority  of 
the  Caliph  (652).  Constans  II,  who  had  made  his 
way  to  Dovine  at  the  head  of  a  great  army,  osten- 
sibly for  the  purpose  of  intervening,  concerned  him- 
self exclusively  with  religious  subjects  and  more  par- 
ticularly with  the  question  of  ritual  union.  He  ac- 
cordingly returned  without  accomplishing  anything. 
The  Catholicos  was  menaced  by  the  clergy  on  ac- 
count of  his  conciliatory  attitude  and  was  compelled 
to  abandon  his  see.  When  the  Armenians  accepted 
the  suzerainty  of  the  Caliph,  Nerses,  who  in  the 
meantime  had  been  recalled,  lent  his  influence  with 
those  in  authority  at  Damascus  in  order  to  bring 
about  the  appointment  of  Gregory  Mamiconian  as 
Marzpan  of  the  country. 

After  the  country  had  enjoyed  thirty  years  of 
tranquillity,  Justinian  II  took  advantage  of  the  fee- 
bleness of  the  Caliph  and  declared  war.  The  reins 
of  government  were  then  in  the  hands  of  Achot  Ba- 
gratid.  The  patrician,  Leoncius,  occupied  Persar- 
menia  but  he  allowed  it  to  be  pillaged  on  account  of 
its  defection  in  687.  The  Byzantine  forces  in  Pers- 
armenia  finally  ceased  to  offer  any  resistance  to  the 
Arabs  and  that  unfortunate  country  which  had  been 
tossed  about  between  powerful  rivals  since  the  days 
of  the  successes  of  Heraclius  was  in  the  end  aban- 
doned to  the  Caliphate.  The  Arabs  thus  dominated 
a  portion  of  Armenia  but  they  were  unable  to  make 
a  breach  in  the  population  or  impose  their  language 
or  their  religion  upon  the  people,  as  they  were  able 
to  do  in  Syria  and  Mesopotamia.  A  national  re- 
ligion and  a  distinctly  national  language,  whose  very 
alphabet  accentuated  its  individuality,  were  en- 
trenchments which  no  attack  could  dismantle  nor 


62     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

vexatious  practices  wear  away.  The  onslaught  of 
Islam  was  halted  at  the  frontiers  of  Byzantine  Ar- 
menia which  was  better  organized  and  better  de- 
fended. The  commanding  general,  the  Strategus, 
had  at  his  disposal  regular  troops  and  provincial 
militia  capable  of  effectively  opposing  any  invasion. 
Notwithstanding  these  conditions  Byzantine  Ar- 
menia was  not  in  an  enviable  situation.  The  revolt 
which  broke  out  in  666,  during  the  reign  of  Constans 
II,  had  been  put  down  by  the  patrician,  Nicephorus.* 
While  the  throne  of  Byzantium  was  occupied  by 
Constantine  Copronymus,  the  Strategus,  Artavasd, 
who  was  a  scion  of  a  noble  Armenian  family, 
marched  against  his  brother-in-law,  the  Emperor,  in 
order  to  dethrone  him  (743).  All  of  the  Arme- 
nians who  were  connected  with  this  insurrectionary 
movement  were  either  proscribed  or  put  to  death. 
Shortly  afterwards  another  plot  was  unearthed  and 
Constantine  Porphyrogenitus,  at  the  instigation  of 
his  mother,  Irene,  issued  orders  which  resulted  in 
many  executions.  From  the  moment  that  the  Isau- 
rian  dynasty  occupied  the  throne  of  the  Caesars,  Ar- 
menians began  to  take  a  greater  and  greater  part 
in  the  councils  of  State  of  the  Empire  and  in  the 
command  of  the  Byzantine  armies.  Once  again  the 
Imperial  Guard  was  largely  composed  of  Armenians. 
Among  the  more  illustrious  names  may  be  cited: 
Artavasd  Mamiconian,  Varaz-Tirotz  and  Vardane, 
whom  the  Byzantines  call  Bardane.  The  latter,  a 
patrician  and  a  general,  was  proclaimed  Emperor  in 

*  Nicephorus,  general  and  patrician,  was  a  descendant  of  an 
Armenian  family  established  at  Pergamum.  His  son,  Vardane,  who 
was  also  raised  to  the  highest  military  rank,  ascended  the  throne 
of  Byzantium  under  the  title  of  Philippicus. 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     63 

802  but  was  not  able  to  ascend  the  throne.  On  the 
other  hand  his  aide-de-camp,  Leo,  an  Armenian  of 
the  house  of  the  Arzrounis,  attained  this  dignity  in 
813.  In  addition  to  these  names  it  may  be  added 
that  Manuel  Mamiconian  greatly  distinguished  him- 
self during  the  reign  of  Theophilus  on  account  of  his 
courage  and  fearlessness. 

The  Armenian  territories  annexed  to  the  Empire 
of  the  Orient  were  grouped,  during  the  eighth  cen- 
tury, into  one  and  the  same  circumscription  called  the 
Armeniac  Theme.  These  territories  included  Phas- 
iana,^  Karenitide  or  Upper  Armenia,*  Sophene  and 
Hantsid  "^  and  a  part  of  Arzanene.®  A  Strategus  or 
Stratelat,  raised  to  patrician  dignity,  concentrated  in 
his  hands  all  attributions,  military  and  civil.  The 
militia  of  this  Theme  were  deemed  to  be  the  best 
soldiers  of  the  Byzantine  armies. 

The  Armenian  Church  had  been  able  to  preserve 
its  independence  notwithstanding  the  policy  ad- 
hered to  by  the  Emperors  in  regard  to  religion  and 
the  pressure  exerted  by  them  to  enforce  Byzantine 
Orthodoxy  upon  the  people.  The  Armenian  clergy 
considered  the  National  Church  to  be  the  bulwark 
of  the  liberties  of  the  nation  as  well  as  the  ultimate 
and  surest  safeguard  of  national  existence,  and  there- 
fore resolutely,  unremittingly,  patiently  and  at  all 
hazards  stoutly  opposed  the  aggressions  of  the 
Caesars.     Moses  II,®  the  Catholicos,  who  was  con- 

^Bascn. 

8  Erzroura. 

7  Kharpout. 

'  Myaf  arkina. 

*  Moses  II  introduced  the  ecclesiastical  calendar  which  had 
been  discussed  under  his  predecessor,  Nerses  II.  This  reforna  was 
defective  but  it  possessed  the  merit  of  fixing  a  national  era.  This 
era  commences  August  ii,  551. 


64     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

strained  to  go  to  Constantinople  in  order  to  accept 
the  ritual  union,  upon  his  return  refused  to  receive 
orders  from  the  Emperor,  Maurice.  His  successor 
used  every  effort  to  prevent  the  separation  of  the 
Georgians,  but  all  to  no  avail  (608).  Another 
Catholicos,  Comitas,  saw  in  the  military  successes  of 
the  Persian  king,  Chosroes  II,  an  opportunity  which 
might  tend  to  strengthen  the  National  Church,  and 
he  accordingly  again  rejected  the  decision  of  the 
council  of  Chalcedon.  Then  again  Esdras  and  more 
particularly  Nerses  III,  an  old  soldier  and  resource- 
ful statesman,  were  forced  to  yield  nominal  obedi- 
ence to  an  union  thrust  upon  the  Armenian  Church 
under  duress,  but  this  apparent  triumph  of  force,  far 
from  cementing  the  faithful  into  an  homogeneous 
whole,  produced  but  one  result  and  that  was  to  fan 
the  animosity  of  the  Armenians  against  the  Byzan- 
tines, because  they  saw  in  this  form  of  constraint  an 
attempt  to  sap  the  very  vitals  of  their  national  life. 
This  religious  strife  made  insupportable  the  posi- 
tion of  Armenians  inhabiting  Byzantine  territory  for 
there  the  higher  Greek  clergy  carried  on  a  veritable 
campaign  of  persecution  against  those  Armenians 
whom  they  classed  as  heretics.  This  religious  intol- 
erance was  so  intense,  this  campaign  of  oppression  so 
cruel  and  so  all-pervading,  that  the  adherents  of 
the  independent  churches  of  the  Orient  on  many  occa- 
sions welcomed  Persians,  Arabs,  Turks  and  Tatars 
as  liberators.  The  Empire  of  the  Orient  had  sought 
to  trample  under  foot  the  Church  that  was  dearer  to 
the  Armenians  than  their  very  lives  and  as  they  felt 
that  they  probably  had  less  to  fear  from  the  invader 
than  from  the  Christian  who  refused  them  even  a 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS    65 

modicum  of  religious  liberty  the  defense  of  the  Em- 
pire meant  nothing  to  them. 

The  Armenian  Church  was  forced  to  contend 
against  the  Manicheans,  the  Paulicians  and  other 
sectaries  who  multiplied  in  Armenia  during  the 
eighth  and  ninth  centuries.  The  Catholicos,  Nerses 
III,  and  Jean  of  Otzin  opposed  them  but  were 
unable  to  prevent  the  spread  of  their  tenets. 
Finally  during  the  reign  of  the  Empress  Theodora 
the  Paulicians  were  attacked  by  the  soldiery  in  835 
and  it  is  said  that  over  one  hundred  thousand  were 
massacred. 

It  was  in  the  midst  of  the  anarchy  to  which  Ar- 
menia was  reduced  during  the  Arab  invasion  that 
the  position  of  the  patriarchate  became  most  difficult, 
only  to  become  even  more  so  during  the  ninth  cen- 
tury when  Arabian  Armenia  was  devastated  by  the 
Emirs.  Things  reached  such  a  pass  that  during  the 
reign  of  Haroun-el-Rachid,  the  Emir  of  Dovine 
sought  to  take  possession  of  all  of  the  property  and 
effects  of  the  Church,  threatening  with  death  such 
members  of  the  clergy  as  resisted  such  a  confiscatory 
measure. 

Caliph  Abdul  Malek  (685-705)  removed  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  country  from  the  hands  of  the 
native  dignitaries  in  order  to  confine  this  trust  to 
Muhammadan  generals  or  Emirs. ^^  The  conduct 
of  these  officials  was  generally  signalized  by  un- 
heard of  ferocity.  They  treated  the  inhabitants  as 
if  they  were  enemies  and  persecuted  them  as  much 
as  possible.     One  of  them,  Abdallah,  began  by  in- 

10  Armenian  chroniclers  apply  the  title  of  Ostican  to  the  Arab 
governors;  they  were  usually  soldiers. 


66     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

augurating  a  reign  of  terror;  he  then  pillaged  the 
churches  and  fell  upon  the  unfortunate  Catholicos, 
Sahak,  whom  he  sent  to  Damascus.  During  the 
term  of  office  of  Abdul-Aziz  and  of  Merwan  (731- 
744)  the  tranquiUity  of  the  country  was  not  im- 
paired. Merwan,  however,  who  subsequently  be- 
came Caliph,  had  called  an  Armenian,  Aschot  Bagra- 
tid,  to  share  his  trust  with  him  and  during  Merwan's 
expedition  against  the  Huns,  the  sole  administra- 
tion was  taken  over  by  the  Armenian  who  was  given 
the  title  of  Prince  of  Princes.  From  this  moment 
the  house  of  Bagratid  gained  a  great  ascendancy 
over  all  other  families.  This  priority,  however,  ex- 
cited the  jealousy  of  the  Mamiconians,  who,  under 
the  guise  of  opposing  foreign  domination,  began  a 
fratricidal  strife.  The  enmity  of  the  nobles  soon 
took  the  form  of  senseless  revolt  against  the  author- 
ity of  the  Caliph.  The  insurrection  was  put  down 
in  short  order  through  the  death  of  Sembat,  son  of 
Aschot,  and  the  dispersion  of  the  other  chiefs.  The 
victory  gained  by  Lachanodracon  over  the  Saracens, 
in  780,  was  the  signal  for  a  new  revolt,  which,  in  its 
turn,  was  put  down  by  Emir  Yezt  (785).  On  the 
other  hand.  Emir  Hoi  (818)  did  his  utmost  to  put 
an  end  to  abuses  and  though  he  sought  to  rule  pacifi- 
cally, he,  nevertheless,  was  called  upon  to  suppress  a 
sedition  fomented  by  the  Bagratids,  the  Sunids  and 
several  other  nobles.  Shortly  afterwards  Bagarat 
Bagratid,  whom  the  Caliph  had  made  Prince  of  Ar- 
menia, was  sent  by  Emir  Said  as  a  prisoner  to  Bag- 
dad. 

This  attack  greatly  irritated  the  Caliph  and  he 
thereupon  dispatched  to  Armenia  the  ferocious 
Bouha  with  instructions  to  place  all  of  the  nobles  un- 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     67 

der  arrest  and  to  inflict  severe  punishment  upon  the 
rebels.  In  due  course  Sembat  Bagratid,  the  succes- 
sor of  Bagarat,  was  arrested,  sent  to  Bagdad  and 
tortured;  but  the  rigor  with  which  the  reigning  Ca- 
liph, Motawakel,  sought  to  treat  the  Armenians  did 
not  cause  them  to  lay  down  their  arms.  Such  op- 
pressive measures  were  all  the  more  inopportune 
because  while  this  unrest  was  in  progress  the  Byzan- 
tines resumed  the  offensive  and  carried  the  war  into 
Mesopotamia  and  Syria.  This  invasion  encouraged 
the  Armenians  and  Aschot,  son  of  the  unfortunate 
Sembat,  once  again  raised  the  standard  of  revolt. 
Finding  himself  thus  confronted,  on  the  one  side  by 
an  Armenian  revolt  and  on  the  other  by  a  Byzantine 
assault,  the  Caliph  took  counsel  of  prudence  and 
appointed  Aschot  Bagratid  to  the  governorship,  con- 
ferring upon  him  the  title  of  Prince  of  Princes  of 
Armenia  (859).  It  thus  came  about  that,  after  a 
century  of  turmoil  and  severe  hardships,  political 
autonomy  was  accorded  Armenia,  in  the  shape  of 
the  elevation  of  the  leading  native  family  to  the  chief 
magistracy  or  governorship  of  the  country. 


CHAPTER  V 

The  principalities  of  the  Bagratids  and  of  the  Arzrounis  —  The 
Seljuk  invasion. 

When  Aschot  I  wrung  from  the  Caliph  the  title 
of  Prince  of  Princes  of  Armenia,  everything  indi- 
cated that  the  Bagratid  family  was  about  to  inherit 
the  succession  of  the  Arsacids.  The  task,  however, 
was  fraught  with  besetting  difficulties.  Not  only 
was  it  necessary  that  Armenia  should  be  emancipated 
from  the  yoke  of  the  foreigner,  but  there  were  pow- 
erful feudatories,  such  as  the  Arzrounis  and  the  Sun- 
ids,  who  held  tenaciously  to  their  fiefs  and  to  all  of 
their  ancestral  prerogatives.  So  powerful  did  the 
former  house  prove  itself  to  be  that  one  of  its  mem- 
bers, Gaghik,  governor  of  Vaspouracan,  likewise  ob- 
tained from  the  Caliph  the  title  of  Prince  of  Princes. 
Besides  these  primary  obstacles,  the  work  of  na- 
tional unity  ran  counter  to  the  polity  of  the  Byzan- 
tine Empire,  among  whose  subjects  were  many  Ar- 
menians. The  underlying  note  of  the  campaign  of 
aggression  followed  out,  under  Basil,  Nicephorus 
and  Zimisces  sprang,  in  fact,  from  a  desire  to  annex 
Armenian  territory  to  the  Empire.  Accordingly 
the  Bagratids  and  the  Arzrounis  were  forced  to  con- 
tent themselves  with  the  empty  glory  of  a  pompous 
title.  The  paraphernalia  of  power  was  in  their 
hands  but  not  the  substance  and  they  found  them- 
selves at  the  mercy  of  their  neighbors,  a  tempting 

68 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     69 

morsel,  Inviting  a  Turkish  invasion  which  was  des- 
tined to  come  about  during  the  ninth  century. 

Notwithstanding  their  feebleness  the  reign  of  the 
Bagratids  and  of  the  Arzrounis  proved  to  be  a  bless- 
ing for  Armenia  and  introduced  into  that  country  an 
era  of  prosperity.  These  princes  proved  them- 
selves to  be  sincere  friends  of  art  and  stout  cham- 
pions of  commerce.  They  built  cities  and  fortresses 
and  erected  many  edifices  whose  ruins,  even  at  this 
late  day,  lie  strewn  across  the  districts  of  Ararat 
and  Vaspouracan.  All  that  is  found  to-day  that 
bespeaks  the  activity  of  the  Armenia  of  the  past 
dates  from  this  epoch. 

The  kingdom  of  the  Bagratids  comprised  Araxi- 
ana  including  Schirak  ^  and  Vanand.^  Dovine,  the 
last  capital  of  Armenia,  was  under  the  control  of  an 
Emir.  On  the  other  hand  the  territory  controlled 
by  the  Arzrounis  was  of  great  extent  and  embraced 
Van,  Urmia,  Naxuana  and  Moxuene,  all  lying  to  the 
south  of  the  Lake  of  Van.  The  Sunids  retained 
their  old  patrimony  bordering  upon  Albania. 

Aschot  pacified  the  country  and  lived  on  good 
terms  with  the  Emir  of  Aderbeijan,  the  most  power- 
ful Muhammadan  ruler  whose  territorial  jurisdic- 
tion was  contiguous  to  Armenia.  The  new  king, 
who  was  recognized  by  the  Emperor,  Basil  I,  has- 
tened to  betake  himself  to  Constantinople  in  order  to 
greet  Leo  VI  who  had  succeeded  Basil  in  886.  As- 
chot, whose  reign  began  thus  auspiciously,  died  while 
returning  home,  and  unfortunately  neither  his  son 
Sembat  nor  his  grandsons  Aschot  and  Abbas  were 
able  to  consolidate  the  throne.  Sembat  led  a  de- 
spicable life  and  constantly  quarreled  with  the  Chris- 

1  AnL  2  Kars. 


70     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

tian  Dynasts,  or  rulers,  who  were  his  neighbors. 
He  also  disputed  with  Gaghik,  prince  of  Vaspoura- 
can,  to  whom  Youssouf,  the  sworn  enemy  of  the 
Bagratids,  had  accorded  the  title  of  king.  Sembat 
finally  fell  into  the  hands  of  Youssouf,  who  had  him 
chained  and  delivered  to  the  executioner. 

Gaghik  Arzrouni  had,  on  the  contrary,  assured  the 
tranquillity  of  his  dominions  by  compelling  the  nobles 
of  Vaspouracan  to  recognize  his  hegemony.  He  es- 
tablished his  residence  at  Vostan,  on  the  south  side 
of  the  Lake  of  Van,  and  built  a  beautiful  church  on 
the  islet  of  Agthamar,  where  he  was  wont  to  take 
refuge. 

The  revival  of  the  Byzantine  Empire  about  the 
middle  of  the  tenth  century,  signalized  by  the  vic- 
tories of  Nicephorus,  Phocas  and  Zimisces,  so  terri- 
fied the  lieutenants  of  the  Caliph  that  a  damper  was 
thrown  upon  their  ardor  to  subjugate  Christian  peo- 
ple. In  the  midst  of  these  favorable  circumstances 
Aschot  III,  called  the  Charitable,  came  to  power. 
He  set  to  work  to  organize  his  military  forces  and 
became  sufficiently  strong  to  be  able  to  impose  his 
will  upon  his  neighbors.  Internal  discords,  how- 
ever, gnawed  at  the  success  of  his  administration, 
and  he  was  compelled  to  partition  his  dominions  and 
to  cede  the  district  of  Vanand  to  his  brother,  Mou- 
chegh,  who  assumed  the  title  of  King  of  Kars.  It 
was  during  his  reign  that  Zimisces  made  his  appear- 
ance in  Taronitide  at  the  head  of  a  formidable  force 
for  the  purpose  of  combating  the  Saracens.  The 
Byzantine  Emperor,  who  spread  dismay  among  the 
adherents  of  the  Caliphate,  was  of  Armenian  origin, 
a  native  of  Sophene.  Aschot  hastened  to  place  a 
quota  of  horsemen  at  the  disposal  of  Zimisces.  When 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS    71 

Aschot  died  his  crown  passed  to  his  eldest  son,  Sem- 
bat,  whereas  another  son,  Gourghene,  fell  heir  to  the 
district  of  Albania,  together  with  the  title  of  king, 
in  accordance  with  the  custom  which  then  obtained. 
Sembat  established  his  seat  of  government  at  Ani 
which  he  enlarged  and  beautified  to  such  an  extent 
that  his  capital  became  the  largest  and  richest  city 
of  all  Armenia.  Sembat  II,  who  has  left  the  repu- 
tation of  having  achieved  great  glory,  was  at  odds 
with  his  Uncle  Mouchegh,  King  of  Kars,  and  the  frat- 
ricidal strife  which  broke  out  between  them  was  only 
brought  to  an  end  by  the  intervention  of  David,  the 
powerful  potentate  of  Tai'k.  Sembat,  after  a  reign 
of  twelve  years,  died  without  issue  in  990.  King 
Aschot  Arzrouni  of  Vaspouracan  sought  to  emulate 
the  example  of  the  Bagratids  and  he  therefore  not 
only  fortified  the  main  city  of  his  dominions,  Vostan, 
but  he  endowed  it  with  palaces,  churches  and  a  mon- 
astery for  studious  monks.  The  Patriarch,  John  V, 
known  as  the  Historian,  not  being  satisfied  with  the 
measure  of  security  afforded  him  at  Dovine,  trans- 
ferred his  see  to  Vaspouracan  (894).  This  de- 
cision was  rendered  all  the  more  imperative  by  the 
fact  that  Dovine  had  been  in  large  part  destroyed  by 
an  earthquake.  His  successors  took  up  their  dioc- 
esan residence  at  Agthamar  where  they  remained 
until  959  when  the  then  reigning  Catholicos,  Anania, 
established  the  patriarchal  see  at  Arkina  near  Ani. 

As  has  already  been  stated,  the  Sunid  family 
remained  in  possession  of  its  ancestral  domain  situ- 
ate on  the  confines  of  Albania  or  Karabagh.  Ex- 
posed to  the  same  evils  which  beset  the  Bagratids, 
they  had  often  acted  in  concert  with  them.  During 
the  days  when  Aschot  I  wielded  the  scepter  of  the 


72     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

Bagratlds,  Vassak  of  Sunid,  the  chief  of  his  house, 
married  one  of  the  daughters  of  the  Prince  of 
Princes.  The  national  chroniclers  call  the  princi- 
pality over  which  Vassak  ruled  the  kingdom  of  the 
Sunids  or  of  Capan,  the  latter  name  having  been  de- 
rived from  the  palace  where  the  sovereign  held  his 
court. 

The  invasion  of  the  Seljuks  caused  the  Sunid  dyn- 
asty to  disappear,  just  as  it  drove  the  Bagratids  and 
the  Arzrounis  into  retirement.  Numerous  ruins  of 
churches,  monasteries  and  castles  attest  that  the 
Sunids  followed  the  current  which  swept  across  Ar- 
menia during  the  Middle  Ages.  During  the  sev- 
enth century  the  Sunid  country  was  a  center  of  great 
learning.  A  celebrated  monastery  located  at  Tat- 
hev  was  the  point  from  which  gravitated  this  intel- 
lectual movement. 

It  was  during  the  Bagratid  epoch  that  art,  and 
more  particularly  architectural  art,  first  began  to 
make  headway  in  Armenia.  This  movement,  how- 
ever, exercised  no  stimulating  effect  upon  the  liter- 
ary evolution  of  the  country.  The  activities  of  the 
writers  of  that  age,  of  the  monks  and  ecclesiastics, 
were  limited  to  religious  literature,  to  the  composi- 
tion of  hymns,  odes  and  sacred  music.  Stepanos 
Sunid,  an  eighth  century  writer,  produced  several 
works  of  this  category  which  are  of  exceptional 
merit,  and  characterized  by  an  exquisite  charm  and 
an  elevating  sublimity  of  thought.  The  pastoral 
letters  issued  by  Patriarch  John  III  of  Otzin,  to 
combat  the  heresies  of  the  Paulician  sect,  possess 
striking  literary  merit.  This  churchman  was  a 
scholar  and  poet  as  well  as  a  theologian,  and 
the  homilies,  hymns  and  melodies  which  are  due  to 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS    73 

his  pen  are  replete  with  refreshing  beauties  of 
thought. 

It  was  only  at  the  commencement  of  the  tenth  cen- 
tury that  writers  appeared  who  devoted  themselves 
to  the  study  of  history,  but  they  added  no  re- 
nown to  Armenian  letters.  Catholicos  John  V,  sur- 
named  the  Historian,  composed  a  general  history  of 
Armenia  starting  from  the  Deluge,  as  established  by 
the  Bible,  and  carrying  his  narrative  to  the  reign  of 
Aschot  II.  His  contemporary,  Thomas  Arzrouni, 
issued  an  history  of  the  house  of  the  Arzrounis  which 
gives  proof  of  higher  erudition  and  is  composed  in 
a  style  of  greater  merit  than  that  of  John  V. 
Shortly  afterwards  Stephanos  of  Taron,  known  as 
Acoghik,  issued  his  chronicles  which  furnish  precious 
data  as  to  his  times.  Gregory  of  Narek,  the  Pindar 
of  Armenia,  born  in  951,  is  the  outstanding  Ar- 
menian man  of  letters  of  the  tenth  century.  His 
poems  are  works  of  incomparable  originality  of 
thought  and  his  name  stands  high  in  the  annals  of 
Armenian  literature.  He  issued  a  selection  of  pray- 
ers and  elegies  where  he  poured  forth  his  whole  soul 
in  a  language  so  inspiring  and  withal  so  soothing,  so 
ennobling  and  withal  so  impregnated  with  true  Chris- 
tian humility,  that  as  models  of  expression  and  dic- 
tion their  lyric  virtues  stand  unsurpassed. 

If  the  vestiges  of  plastic  art  which  have  been  pre- 
served or  uncovered  are  so  few  that  it  is  impossible 
accurately  to  gauge  the  ability  of  the  artists  to  whose 
handicraft  such  work  is  due,  the  ruins  of  the 
churches,  castles  and  ramparts,  which  go  back 
to  the  age  of  the  Bagratids,  afford  indisputable 
proof  that  architecture  flourished  during  the  tenth 
and    eleventh    centuries.     Archaeologists     are    un- 


74    ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

stinted  in  their  admiration  of  the  ruins  of  Ani. 
The  ramparts  of  that  city,  completed  in  980  by 
Sembat  II,  constitute  invaluable  specimens  of  Byzan- 
tine military  architecture.  The  cathedral,  which 
was  finished  by  Queen  Katramite,  relict  of  Gaghik  I, 
contains  a  cylindrical  tower  crowned  by  a  dome  and 
thus  reproducing  the  dominant  type  of  construction 
obtaining  in  all  of  the  old  churches  of  Armenia  and 
Georgia.  While  it  is  true  that  the  influence  of 
Byzantine  art  is  apparent,  many  features  of  the  edi- 
fice have  taken  their  inspiration  from  Persian  and 
Arab  sources  and  the  general  symmetry  of  the  con- 
struction is  accentuated  by  the  judicious  choice  of 
building  materials  made  use  of  by  the  designer. 

The  ancient  mosaic  and  mural  paintings  which 
have  escaped  the  ravages  of  time  are  too  few  in  num- 
ber to  offer  a  proper  criterion  of  their  value.  On 
the  other  hand,  specimens  of  miniatures  and  illu- 
minated missals  and  manuscripts  are  not  wanting 
which  tell  of  the  skill  of  the  artist  to  whose  patience 
and  technique  they  are  due.  The  success  attained  by 
Armenian  artists  in  this  branch  dates  principally 
from  the  twelfth  century;  they  speciahzed  more  par- 
ticularly in  polychromatic  ornamentation. 

Commerce,  which  from  the  earliest  days  had 
flourished  in  Armenia,  enjoyed  great  prosperity  dur- 
ing the  Bagratid  era.  The  bazaars  of  Ani  and 
Theodosopolis  abounded  with  the  products  even  of 
the  most  distant  countries  and  Armenian  merchants 
made  their  influence  felt  in  Constantinople,  Italy, 
Syria  and  Bagdad,  even  as  far  as  India.  They  were 
in  truth  intermediaries  who  were  not  only  thor- 
oughly conversant  with  the  productive  powers  of 
the  Orient  but  who  kept  in  touch  with  the  demands 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS    75 

of  the  Occident,  and  knowing  at  the  same  time  what 
wares  the  East  required  from  the  West,  they  were 
able  to  create,  develop  and  maintain  for  themselves  a 
situation  of  rare  commercial  strategic  importance. 

The  pressure  of  the  Byzantine  ecclesiastical  au- 
thorities to  compel  the  Armenian  National  Church 
to  enter  into  ritualistic  union  with  Byzantium  was 
unrelentingly  applied.  Once  again  the  Patriarch, 
Photius,  sought  to  accomplish  this  end.  He  wrote 
to  Aschot  I  and  to  Catholicos  Zachary,  a  prelate 
deeply  versed  in  theological  lore,  and  sought  to  win 
them  to  his  cause,  but  without  avail  (860).  The 
Armenian  clergy  maintained  its  traditional  attitude 
and  adhered  so  resolutely  thereto  that  Catholicos 
Vahane  Suni  (967-969)  fell  under  suspicion  be- 
cause he  sought  to  adopt  certain  Greek  rites  and  to 
accept  the  canons  of  the  council  of  Chalcedon.  A 
synod,  assembled  at  Ani,  deposed  this  prelate,  and 
his  successors,  true  to  the  unanimous  wish  of  the 
faithful  whose  shepherds  they  were,  adhered  without 
a  waiver  to  this  unalterable  opposition  to  a  ritual 
union  with  Byzantium,  and  so  far  was  this  spirit  of 
religious  independence  carried  that  they  stoutly  de- 
fended their  fellow  worshipers  who,  residing  in 
Byzantine  territory,  were  continuously  harassed  by 
the  Empire  to  agree  to  give  up  their  national  ritual. 

During  the  century  that  their  domination  con- 
tinued the  Bagratids  were  not  able  to  bring  about  a 
national  union  of  the  Armenian  people.  On  the 
contrary  they  were  forced  to  submit  to  the  parceling 
out  of  their  territory.  The  reign  of  Gaghik  I, 
(990—1020),  brother  of  Sembat  II,  who  died  with- 
out issue,  was  the  happiest  and  most  prosperous 
epoch  of  this  entire  era.     Gaghik  was  the  ablest  cap- 


76     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

tain  and  most  practical  statesman  of  the  Bagratld 
dynasty.  The  Muhammadans  conferred  upon  him 
the  dazzling  title  of  Schah-In-Schah-Armen,  but  not- 
withstanding the  majesty  and  force  which  was  sup- 
posed to  be  latent  in  such  a  designation,  he  was  un- 
able to  prevent  the  Empire  from  absorbing  the  do- 
minions of  his  ally,  David,  the  Armeno-Georgian 
master  of  Ta'ik,  Gogarene  and  of  the  city  of  Tiflis. 
After  David  had  been  poisoned,  the  Emperor  Basil 
II  came  and  took  personal  possession  of  the  province 
which  the  deceased  had  bound  himself  to  cede  to  him 
in  the  event  of  his  death.  After  the  death  of 
Gaghik  the  situation  went  from  bad  to  worse,  as 
his  son,  John  Sembat,  was  endowed  with  but  a  medi- 
ocre intelligence  and  was  deficient  in  energy.  Men- 
aced by  Basil,  who  gravely  suspected  that  he  had 
done  his  utmost  to  aid  the  King  of  Georgia  in  his 
designs  to  seize  the  ancient  dominions  of  David,  the 
Bagratid  ruler  was  forced  to  bind  himself  to  set 
over  and  deliver  to  the  Empire  the  heritage  of  his 
fathers.  Accordingly  the  Catholicos,  Petros,  was 
delegated  to  go  to  Trebizond  in  order  to  negotiate 
with  the  Emperor.  In  the  meantime,  a  fratricidal 
strife  broke  out,  for  Aschot,  a  brother  of  the  Bagra- 
tid sovereign,  made  war  upon  him  and  seized  the  city 
of  Ani. 

While  these  internal  dissensions  were  undermin- 
ing the  structure  of  the  state,  a  Turkish  invasion 
accentuated  a  situation  which  was  already  of  the  ut- 
most gravity.  The  incursion  was  first  felt  in  Vas- 
pouracan.  Worn  away  by  the  strife  which  had  dev- 
astated his  territory,  unable  to  withstand  the  impact 
of  the  Muhammadan  cohorts,  and  above  all  sur- 
prised by  the  suddenness  of  their 'appearance,  Sene- 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS    77 

kerlm  Arzrouni,  whose  rule  extended  over  the  in- 
vaded country,  addressed  himself  in  despair  to  the 
Emperor  and  offered  to  cede  his  principality  to  the 
Byzantines.  Basil  was  willing  to  negotiate  and  it 
was  agreed  that  in  return  for  the  principality  Sene- 
kerim  should  receive  the  more  peaceful  district  of 
Sebaste  together  with  the  title  of  Patrician  and  of 
Magistros.  The  chronicles  narrate  that  Senekerim 
took  up  his  abode  at  Sebaste,  (1022),  accompanied 
by  his  sons  and  his  entire  retinue,  besides  40,000  emi- 
grants. The  district  which  the  princes  of  Vaspoura- 
can  acquired  at  a  sacrifice  so  great  and  which  they 
had  expected  to  enjoy  in  tranquillity,  was  destined 
to  fall,  in  less  than  half  a  century,  under  the  dom- 
ination of  those  self-same  Turks  from  whom  they 
had  attempted  to  find  refuge  in  flight.  Thus  did 
the  house  of  Arzrouni  vanish  from  view.  Its  origin 
goes  back  to  the  days  of  the  ancient  kings  of  Ourar- 
tou.  During  eighteen  centuries  the  family  name 
had  been  known  to  that  part  of  Armenia  bordering 
upon  Media. 

The  transfer  of  the  dominions  of  the  Bagratids 
to  the  Empire,  which  John  Sembat  had  covenanted 
should  occur  upon  his  death,  did  not  take  place  with- 
out bloodshed.  Michael  IV  had  followed  Basil  and 
when  he  sought  to  avail  himself  of  the  terms  of  the 
accord,  the  nobles  refused  to  yield  and  took  up  a 
fortified  position  behind  the  ramparts  of  Ani.  They 
called  to  the  throne  a  valorous  young  prince,  Gaghik 
II,  a  nephew  of  Sembat  (1040). 

The  impulsive  and  combative  nature  of  Gaghik 
gained  for  him  numerous  enemies  who  lay  in  ambush 
for  him  and  imprisoned  him  in  the  castle  of  Cybis- 
tra,  to  the  north  of  the  Taurus,  where  he  was  finally 


78     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

strangled.  At  about  this  same  period,  Atom  and 
Abousahl,  sons  of  Senekerim,  were  assassinated. 
Gaghik,  the  last  prince  of  Kars,  was  able  to  main- 
tain his  position  until  1064.  When,  however,  Alp- 
Arslan  took  Ani,  he  abandoned  his  fatherland  in 
exchange  for  an  appanage  in  Pont  near  Neocaesarea. 
The  Bagratids,^  who  had  played  a  considerable  part 
in  the  history  of  Armenia,  thus  disappeared  from  the 
scene.  While  it  is  true  that  these  princes  were  weak 
and  utterly  unable  to  contend  with  the  entrenched 
power  of  the  feudal  system  it  is  but  fair  to  state  that 
their  rule  afforded  a  ray  of  hope  in  the  midst  of  cen- 
turies of  darkness. 

The  Sassanid  kings  understood  how  to  hold  in 
check  the  warlike  people  of  Sogdiana,*  as  well  as 
how  to  prevent  their  invasion  of  the  West.  The 
Arabs,  however,  desiring  to  facilitate  the  propaga- 
tion ojr  their  religion,  had,  on  the  contrary,  not  only 
not  checked  but  encouraged  the  coming  of  the  Turks 
and  the  Turcomans,  to  whom  Armenian  chroniclers 
apply  the  generic  name  of  Scythian-Tatars  and  some- 
times that  of  Tadjik.  These  latter  races  had  but 
recently  embraced  Islam  and  they  dreamed  only  of 
conquest.  Their  chief,  Toghrul  Bey,  grandson  of 
Seljuk,  had  founded  a  new  dynasty  known  as  that  of 
the  Seljuks,  and  they  had  taken  possession  of  Khor- 
asan.  Media  and  Persia.  The  Turks,  grown  pow- 
erful and  numerous  as  the  result  of  the  addition  of 

*The  princes  of  the  house  of  Bagratid  were:  Aschot  I  (885), 
Sembat  (889),  Aschot  II  (915),  Abbas  (928),  Aschot  III  (952), 
Sembat  II  (977),  Gaghik  I  (990),  John  Sembat  II  (1020),  Gaghik 
II  (1040-1045). 

The  princes  who  ruled  over  Kars  were  Mouchegh  (961),  Abbas 
(984),  Gaghik  ( 1025-1064} . 

*  Boukhara. 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS    79 

the  hordes  of  conquered  peoples  who  flocked  to  their 
standard,  entered  Armenia  by  way  of  Van.  Ibra- 
him Inal,  brother  of  Toghrul,  ravaged  Vaspouracan 
and  then  turning  northwards  he  captured  the  popu- 
lous city  of  Arzan  (1022),  which  he  pillaged  and 
burnt.  Such  of  the  inhabitants  as  were  not  carried 
away  in  captivity  and  were  able  to  escape  took 
refuge  in  the  neighboring  fortress  of  Theodosopolis. 
Toghrul  Bey  marched  in  person  against  the  city  of 
Kars,  which  was  laid  in  ruins.  So  desperate  was 
the  situation  that  it  was  only  through  bribery  that 
the  King,  Gaghik,  was  able  to  escape  and  find  a 
refuge  in  the  fortress.  Another  column  of  Seljuks 
advanced  towards  Western  Armenia,  towards  Ko- 
lonia  °  and  the  city  of  Melitene,®  in  order  to  over- 
take the  unhappy  inhabitants  who  had  there  taken 
refuge.  When  this  furious  torrent  was  pressing  for- 
ward the  Byzantine  power  had  so  withered  that  the 
Empire  could  no  longer  command  the  forces  neces- 
sary to  arrest  the  avalanche.  With  his  plans  thus 
defined,  Toghrul  Bey  after  a  short  time  returned 
to  Armenia  in  command  of  a  large  army,  at- 
tacked Manazkert  and  took  Klath-el-Arzk,  which  he 
burnt  after  he  had  massacred  all  of  the  inhabitants 
who  offered  any  resistance.  His  nephew,  Aly-Ars- 
lan,  (1062-1072),  renewed  these  attacks  which 
were  destined  to  subjugate  Georgia,  Armenia,  Pont 
and  Cappadocia.  After  a  short  siege  Ani  and  Kars 
fell  in  1064.  This  brought  about  the  ruin  of  the 
capital  of  the  Bagratids.  The  inhabitants,  seeing 
death  staring  them  in  the  face,  took  to  flight.  The 
rich  were  tortured  and  compelled  to  reveal  the  hiding 
place  of  their  treasures.     Some  found  a  refuge  in  the 

•  Karahessar,  ^  Malatia. 


8o    ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

Crimea  and  in  Poland;  others  among  the  Taurus 
Mountains  and  in  Cihcia.  The  Turkish  invasion 
swept  everything  before  it  in  Asia  Minor.  Cass- 
area  fell  in  1067.  Notwithstanding  the  insufficiency 
of  his  forces,  the  Emperor,  Diogenes,  entered 
Armenia  with  the  view  of  expelling  Aly-Arslan,  but 
he  was  defeated  at  Melazkert,  taken  prisoner  and 
was  only  able  to  regain  his  liberty  upon  payment  of 
a  heavy  ransom  (1071).  Aly-Arslan  was  assassi- 
nated a  year  later  and  his  death  temporarily  arrested 
the  further  progress  of  the  Turkish  invasion,  but 
anarchy  thereupon  raised  its  hideous  head  and 
thereby  substituted  an  internal  enemy  for  a  foreign 
foe.  Taking  advantage  of  the  respite  afforded  by 
the  halt  in  Turkish  operations,  the  Byzantines  and 
Georgians  were  able  to  regain  their  old  positions  in 
Armenia,  to  the  west  and  north,  while  the  Tatars, 
Turcomans  and  Persians  continued  to  occupy  the 
western  portions  of  the  country.  Shortly  after  this 
Malek  Schah,  (1072— 1093),  completed  the  con- 
quests commenced  by  his  father,  Aly-Arslan.  He 
took  Adessa,  Antioch  fell  into  his  hands  and  he  ex- 
tended his  domination  as  far  as  the  Mediterranean. 
Malek  Schah  at  once  brought  to  reason  the  Emirs 
and  tyrants  who  were  persecuting  the  people.  He 
put  an  end  to  horrors  of  all  kinds  and  protected  the 
vanquished,  who,  such  as  the  Armenians,  recognized 
his  authority.  The  peace  and  tranquillity  which  pre- 
vailed in  Armenia  as  the  result  of  this  wise  policy, 
arrested,  during  his  reign,  the  emigration  of  Arme- 
nians from  their  fatherland. 

When  after  the  death  of  Malek  Schah  the  empire 
of  the  Seljuks  was  divided  and  one  of  his  nephews 
founded  the  Sultanate  of  Konia,  the  Armenian  ter- 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS       8i 

ritories  were  partitioned  among  the  Byzantines,  the 
Georgians  and  the  Muslim  Emirs.  While  the  Sul- 
tans of  Konia  extended  their  rule  in  Byzantine  Ar- 
menia, the  sovereigns  of  Georgia,  David,  George 
and  Queen  Tamar,  (1089-1184),  regained  their 
patrimony,  reoccupied  Ardahan,  Ani  and  a  part  of 
the  valley  of  the  Araxes,  and  Armenian  chiefs  or 
Tichkans  held  the  gorges  and  castles  of  Karabagh 
and  the  mountains  to  the  east  of  Van.  The  Emirs 
of  the  Turcoman  house  of  Sokina,  who  had  estab- 
lished themselves  at  Diarbekir  and  dominated  Vas- 
pouracan  and  Taron  including  the  towns  of  Klath 
and  Manazkert,  took  the  title  of  Schah-Armon. 
Another  Dynast,  Emir  Danischmend  or  Gumach- 
Tekin,  of  Armenian  origin,  reigned  at  Melitene  and 
Caesarea.  This  condition  continued  until  1220  when 
the  invasion  of  the  Mongols  caused  a  readjustment, 
but  disorder  and  insecurity  were  everywhere  preva- 
lent. Ani  was  also  devastated  by  an  earthquake 
and  became  a  mass  of  ruins  (13 19).  The  situa- 
tion of  the  Armenians  became  absolutely  impossible. 
Some  of  them  emigrated,  others  either  embraced 
Islam  or  joined  hands  with  the  Kurds  and  other 
hordes  who  began  to  spread  towards  the  north  and 
west.  This  emigration,  joined  to  the  falling  off  of 
the  population,  allowed  the  Turks,  Turcomans,  Ta- 
tars, Kurds  and  other  Muhammadan  elements  to 
multiply  in  Armenia. 

The  position  of  the  Patriarchate  necessarily  be- 
came very  precarious  from  the  moment  that  the  town 
of  Ani,  passing  under  the  control  of  foreigners,  fell 
at  different  times,  into  the  hands  of  Seljuks,  Byzan- 
tines and  Georgians.  Catholicos  Khatchik,  (1054- 
1060),  nephew  and  successor  of  Petros,  was  led  to 


82     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

Constantinople  and  held  a  prisoner  by  Constantine 
Ducas.  Thence  he  went  to  Tharplur,  near  Koku- 
sos/  in  the  Taurus  Mountains.  His  successor  was 
not  chosen  until  1065  and  the  weight  of  authority  is 
to  the  effect  that  the  new  incumbent,  Vahram  Pahl- 
arid  or  Gregory  Martyrophile,  took  up  his  abode  at 
the  castk  of  Zamentau,  not  far  from  Kokusos. 
The  new  Catholicos  was  of  noble  origin,  being  the 
son  of  Gregory  Pahlarid,  celebrated  as  a  man  of 
letters,  as  a  soldier,,  and  as  governor  of  the  Meso- 
potamian  district  which  he  ruled  urrder  the  title  of 
Magistros.  It  is  said,  by  the  chroniclers,  that  the 
Pahlarids  were  lineal  descendants  of  Gregory,  the 
Illuminator. 
^  Goeuk-Sou. 


CHAPTER  VI 

The  Armenians  in  Cilicia  —  The  Crusaders  —  The  kingdom  of 
the  Roubenians,  Leo  II,  the  Hethoumians  —  The  invasion  of  the 
Tatars  and  of  the  Mongols  —  The  Patriarchate  —  The  literary 
movement  of  the  twelfth  century  —  The  Lusignans;  the  fall  of  the 
Armenian  royalty  established  in  Cilicia. 

Nothing  presaged  that  the  Armenians,  at  the 
mercy  of  so  many  incursions  and  scattered  as  they 
were,  would  have  been  able  to  create  a  new  cradle 
and  center  of  independence.  Nevertheless,  many 
of  them,  on  the  arrival  of  the  Turks,  took  refuge 
in  the  Taurus  Mountains  of  Cilicia.  Among  those 
who  there  found  an  haven  was  Rouben,  an  officer 
and  relative  of  the  last  of  the  Bagratids,  Gaghik  II, 
who  had  been  massacred  in  a  snare  which  had  been 
laid  for  him  at  Cybestra.  Putting  himself  at  the 
head  of  a  few  intrepid  men,  Rouben,  in  1080,  seized 
upon  the  castle  of  Partzerbert  ^  to  the  north  of  Sis, 
in  the  upper  valley  of  the  Taurus.  Before  he  had 
accomplished  this  feat  other  chieftains  or  Ischkans 
had  already  occupied  several  castles  in  those  moun- 
tains, which  had  become  the  refuge  of  the  Armeni- 
ans. Among  such  chiefs  was  Oschin  who  formerly 
had  been  the  holder  of  a  fief  in  the  Sunid  country. 
He  came  to  Cilicia  in  order  to  be  near  his  compa- 
triot, Aboulgharib  Arzrouni,  whom  the  Emperor, 
Alexius  Comnenus,  had  named  governor  of  Tarsus 
and  of  Mopsuerte.^  Oschin  obtained  as  an  hered- 
itary feudal  benefice,  through  the  kind  offices  of  his 

^  Literally  the  high  castle.  ^  Minos. 

83 


84    ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

fellow  countryman,  the  castle  of  Lambron,^  domi- 
nating the  Cilician  Pyles.  Other  Armenian  nobles 
took  possession  of  Ulnia,^  the  mountainous  regions 
of  Germance  ^  and  of  Kenoun  to  the  south  of  Meli- 
tene.  The  aggregate  thus  formed  created  a  whole 
of  no  little  importance  and  Byzantium  was  dis- 
pleased to  find  that  the  Armenians  had  created  a 
state  which  acted  as  the  outpost  of  Christianity  in 
the  impending  contest  with  Muhammadanism. 

The  taking  of  these  mountain  strongholds  would 
not  have  had  a  far-reaching  importance  if  it  had  not 
coincided  with  the  arrival  of  the  Crusaders.  These 
champions  of  Western  Christianity  lent  their  sup- 
port to  the  Armenians  and  protected  them  against 
the  Eastern  emperors  and  the  Turkish  dynasts  who 
completely  surrounded  them.  The  Armenians  am- 
ply requited  the  Crusaders  for  the  service  thus  ren- 
dered, for  they  furnished  men,  provender  and  sup- 
plies of  all  kinds  and  in  every  possible  way  contrib- 
uted to  the  success  of  the  holy  enterprise  on  a  scale 
which  surpassed  that  of  any  other  nation. 

Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  best  interests 
of  the  Armenian  race  called  for  the  creation  of  a 
compact  Armenian  state,  the  new  colony  could  not 
divest  itself  of  the  incubus  of  the  old  feudal  organ- 
ization. The  failure  of  the  Crusaders  and  the  dis- 
appearance of  the  Mongols  completed  the  ruin  of 
Armenia  about  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  century, 
when  Islam  gained  renewed  vigor  and  strengthened 
its  influence  along  the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean. 
As  the  Armenian  princes  were,  for  a  century,  dur- 
ing this  crucial  period,  nothing  but  mountain  chief- 

3  Nemroun-Kale.  ^  Marach. 

*  Zeitoun, 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     85 

tains  they  did  not  take  a  broad  view  of  the  situation 
and  did  nothing  to  arrest  the  natural  tendency  of 
the  day. 

Cilicia  forms  that  fringe  of  the  table-land  of  Asia 
Minor  which  runs  down  to  Alexandretta  and  faces 
the  island  of  Cyprus.  There,  in  by-gone  days,  had 
been  established  the  domination  of  Persia,  the  Seleu- 
cid  dynasty,  Rome  and  Byzantium,  not  to  speak  of 
the  Arabs  who  ruled  Cilicia  during  the  seventh  cen- 
tury. The  country  is  dominated  on  the  north  and 
east  by  the  Taurus  Mountains  and  is  composed  of 
two  distinct  regions;  one,  mountainous,  traversed 
by  deep  valleys  surmounted  by  peaks  of  an  altitude 
of  3,000  meters  and  the  other  consisting  of  flat 
plains,  extending  to  the  shores  of  the  sea,  and 
formed  of  alluvial  deposits  left  by  the  Cydnus,  the 
Sarus  ^  and  the  Pyramus.*^  The  general  lay  of  the 
land  recalls  the  Delta  of  the  Nile.  The  mountains 
which  encircle  Cilicia  are  so  formed  that  the  inter- 
vening space  between  the  different  peaks  allows  but 
a  narrow  passageway,  called  Pyles  or  doors,  and 
therefore  geographers  speak  of  the  Cillcian  Pyles  * 
and  of  the  Pyles  of  Amanus.  The  low-lying  plains 
of  Armenia  are  extremely  fertile  and  yield  an  abun- 
dance of  cotton,  wheat  and  many  other  products; 
the  swamps,  however,  which  are  found  in  various 
localities,  render  unhealthy  the  country  adjacent 
thereto  to  such  an  extent  that  the  inhabitants  are 
compelled  to  depart  during  summer  months. 

Constantine  (1092— 1 100),  son  of  Rouben,  took 
from  the  Greeks  the  fortress  of  Vahca  ®  near  Had- 
jine  and  there  he  established  his  residence. 

^  Sihoun  or  Sihan.  ^  Kulek-Boghaz  or  Couclac. 

^  Djihoun  or  Djahan.  *  Feke. 


86     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

Constantine  and  Oschin  received  with  open  arms 
the  first  Crusaders  under  Godfrey  of  Bouillon  and 
proffered  them  every  assistance.  In  compensation 
therefor  Constantine  was  raised  to  the  dignity  of  a 
count  and  became  the  first  baron  of  the  dynasty  of 
the  Roubenians.  Baudouin,  brother  of  Godfrey  of 
Bouillon,  founded  in  1097,  upon  the  frontiers  of 
Cilicia,  the  county  of  Edessa  ^^  which  was  destined  to 
endure  until  1134.  At  about  the  same  time  Bohe- 
mond  created  the  principality  of  Antioch,  which 
lasted  until  1268.  A  daughter  of  Constantine  mar- 
ried Josselin,  Count  of  Edessa,  and  the  mother  of 
Constantine  became  the  wife  of  Baudouin,  brother  of 
Godfrey.  These  marriages  strengthened  the  bonds 
of  union  between  the  Armenians  and  the  Franks. 

Thanks  to  the  help  of  Tancred,  Prince  of  Antioch, 
Thoros  or  Theodoros,  son  of  Constantine,  enlarged 
his  dominions.  He  took  Anazarba,^^  a  stronghold 
situated  on  an  eminence  overlooking  the  plain  of 
Sis,  which  Justin  I  and  the  Caliph  Haroun-el-Rachid 
had  fortified.  He  also  seized  the  castle  of  Amuda,^^ 
likewise  located  upon  an  isolated  hill,  not  far  from 
Anazarba.  He  rebuilt,  near  Sis,  the  monastery  of 
Drazarc,  which  became  not  only  an  educational  cen- 
ter but  also  the  burial  ground  of  the  new  dynasty. 
While  it  is  true  that  the  Turks  attacked  Thoros,  act- 
ing in  conjunction  with  Basil,  the  Brigand,  another 
mountain  chieftain,  he  was  sufficiently  powerful  to 
be  able  to  repel  their  assaults.  His  brother,  Leo  I 
(11 29—1 139) ,  who  succeeded  him,  was  not  so  happy. 

1"  The  name  Edessa  goes  back  to  the  Crusaders.  It  is  derived 
from  Robez,  which  was  one  of  the  names  given  to  Ourfa  or  Orha, 
the  capital  of  Osrhoene. 

1^  Anavarza. 

12  Tomlu-Kale. 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     87 

He  captured  Adana,  Mamestia  ^^  and  Tarsus,  but 
having  had  a  misunderstanding  with  Raymond, 
Prince  of  Antioch,  he  found  his  position  greatly  im- 
paired when  John  Comnenus,  in  order  to  chastise 
him,  entered  Cilicia  at  the  head  of  an  army.  Leo 
was  defeated  and,  together  with  his  sons,  brought 
to  Constantinople  in  captivity. 

The  new  kingdom  of  Cilicia  appeared  to  be  en- 
tirely wiped  out  when  Thoros,  son  of  Leo,  escaped 
from  Constantinople  and  made  his  way  to  Cyprus 
and  thence  to  Antioch.  He  gathered  together  a 
small  force  and  was  able  to  recapture  the  place  which 
had  been  occupied  by  the  Byzantines  and  there  re- 
establish his  authority.  Thoros  was  attacked  by 
Macoud,  Sultan  of  Konia  (1116-1156),  whom  the 
Eastern  Emperor,  Manuel,  had  incited  to  wage  war 
against  the  Armenians.  The  Franks  came  to  the 
assistance  of  the  menaced  Christian  Power  and  the 
assault  failed.  The  Emperor,  however,  not  to  be 
outdone,  entered  Cilicia  and  occupied  Anazarba 
and  Til-Hamdon.^^  A  compromise  was  effected 
through  the  intervention  of  Baudouin,  King  of  Jeru- 
salem, according  to  which  Thoros  was  allowed  to  re- 
tain his  dominions,  not  as  liege  lord  thereof,  but  as 
a  vassal  of  Constantinople.  When  Thoros  died  in 
1 1 69  new  complications  arose,  growing  out  of  the 
ambitions  of  his  brother,  Mleh,  a  former  Knight 
Templar  who  had  embraced  Islam.  This  prince, 
with  the  aid  of  the  Atabek  of  Aleppo,  seized  the 
vacant  throne  in  defiance  of  the  rights  of  the  direct 
heir,  an  infant.  He  maintained  his  mastery  for  a 
period  of  five  years,  when  he  was  finally  assassinated 
by  his  own  soldiers.  His  nephew,  Rouben,  had 
i»  Missis.  1*  Bodroum-Kale. 


88     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

trouble  first  with  Hethoum,  lord  of  Lambron,  and 
then  with  Bohemond,  Prince  of  Antioch,  who  seized 
him  and  held  him  in  captivity.  He  was  liberated 
upon  payment  of  ransom,  became  a  monk  and  lived 
in  retirement  at  the  monastery  of  Trazar. 

The  reign  of  Leo  II  (1185-1219),  brother  of 
Rouben  II,  was  an  era  of  glory  and  prosperity  for 
Armenia;  it  began,  however,  by  a  serious  offensive 
campaign  against  the  attacks  of  the  Sultan  of  Konia 
and  the  Atabek  of  Aleppo.  Leo  felt  that  the  time 
had  come  for  him  to  aspire  to  the  title  of  King.  He, 
therefore,  took  advantage  of  the  arrival  of  the  Em- 
peror Frederick  Barbarossa,  whom  the  Third  Cru- 
sade had  called  to  Cilicia,  to  solicit  that  the  kingly 
crown  be  conferred  upon  him.  When  Frederick 
was  drowned  in  the  Cydnus  a  similar  prayer  was  ad- 
dressed to  Pope  Celestine  III  and  to  the  new  Em- 
peror, Henry  VI.  The  demands  of  Leo  were  ac- 
ceded to  and  the  Archbishop  of  Mainz  brought  him 
the  royal  crown  which  was  placed  upon  his  head  at 
Tarsus  by  the  Catholicos,  Gregory  Apirat  (1198). 
The  Byzantine  Emperor,  Alexius,  took  advantage 
of  this  opportunity  to  send  to  the  new  king  a  crown 
of  gold.  Notwithstanding  such  auspicious  omens 
Leo  became  uselessly  involved  in  a  long  a'rmed  con- 
test with  the  Count  of  Tripoli  in  regard  to  the  suc- 
cession to  the  principality  of  Antioch  which  he  de- 
sired to  give  to  his  nephew,  Rouben,  a  descendant  of 
a  Bohemond.  This  prince  lacked  the  essential  qual- 
ifications of  leadership  and  he  was  overturned  and 
assassinated. 

The  Muslim  power  sought  to  tighten  the  net 
which  surrounded  Leo  and  he  therefore  was  com- 
pelled to  keep  his  forces  upon  a  continuous  war  foot- 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     89 

ing.  He  was  obliged  to  betake  himself  to  Cappa- 
docia,  to  Heraclia,  to  the  northeast.  At  Albestan 
he  successfully  repulsed  Gayas-ed-Dine-Kai  Chos- 
roes,  Sultan  of  Konia,  but  he  was  defeated  at  Kapan 
by  Aza-ed-Dine-KaT-Kaous  (1210— 1219)  and  finally 
compelled  to  cede  that  portion  of  Isauria  beyond  the 
Selefke  in  order  to  make  peace  with  the  Sultan  of 
Konia. 

Leo  II,  who  assumed  the  title  of  King  of  the  Ar- 
menians/^ repudiated  his  wife  Zabel  and  married 
Sybille,  daughter  of  Amaury  of  Lusignan,  King  of 
Cyprus.  His  alliances  with  Latin  princes,  the  pres- 
ence in  Cilicia  of  Knights  Templars  and  of  Knights 
Hospitalers  of  St.  John,  and  the  use  at  court  of  both 
Latin  and  French,  resulted  in  the  fact  that  Cilicia  ab- 
sorbed the  habits  and  customs  of  the  Franks  and 
modeled  the  court  of  Sis  upon  that  of  Antioch  and 
that  of  Jerusalem.  The  common  law  of  the  land 
was  inspired  by  that  applied  at  Antioch  and  the  no- 
bles assumed  the  title  of  Baron  or  Count.  There 
was  a  BaTle  or  Bailli  whose  rank  was  second  only  to 
that  of  the  king.  He  was  the  hereditary  tutor  of 
the  heir  to  the  throne  and  the  king's  regent.  There 
was  also  a  Constable  or  commander-in-chief  of  the 
army  under  whom  was  a  Marshal.  Besides  these 
dignitaries  the  court  had  its  Chamberlain  and  a 
Grand  Chancellor,  the  latter  of  whom  was  usually 
the  Archbishop  of  Sis. 

In  adopting  the  feudal  customs  of  the  Occident, 
the  Armenian  nobility  conformed  itself  to  the  pro- 

i'*  Gold  coins  are  extant  which  show  Leo  II  seated  upon  a  throne 
supported  by  two  lions.  His  right  hand  holds  a  globe  surmounted 
by  a  cross  bearing  this  inscription:  Leo,  by  the  grace  of  Christ, 
King  of  the  Armenians. 


90    ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

cedure  prevalent  among  the  Franks  and  therefore 
every  baron  was  compelled  to  receive  his  sword  from 
the  hands  of  the  king. 

During  the  reign  of  Leo  II  the  limits  of  Cilicla 
extended  on  the  west  as  far  as  Selencia  ^® ;  on  the 
north  to  the  Cilician  Pyles,  including  the  castles  of 
Cybistra/'^  Labron  ^®  and  Podantus^®;  on  the  east 
to  Kapan,  Ulnia,^^  Germanicia  ^^  and  the  gulf  of 
Alexandretta  and  the  port  of  ATas.^^  Leo  estab- 
lished his  capital  at  Sissium  or  Sis,  at  the  foot  of  an 
high  rocky  elevation  and  he  caused  the  spot  so  chosen 
to  be  surrounded  with  fortifications,  whose  imposing 
ruins  still  subsist.  During  his  reign  commerce  made 
great  strides  and  Cilicia  became  a  depository  for 
merchandise  passing  between  Europe,  Asia  Minor, 
Persia  and  Syria.  Merchants  from  Southern  Eu- 
rope, Genoese,  Venetians,  Aragonese,  abounded  in 
Aias,  Tarsus  and  Sis  and  many  were  the  great  ware- 
houses stored  with  their  costly  wares.  Traders 
from  Montpellier  and  from  Provence  obtained 
treaties  of  commerce  according  them  similar  priv- 
ileges to  those  granted  Genoese  and  Venetian  mer- 
chants. 

Upon  the  death  of  Leo  II  his  only  daughter,  Za- 
bel,  aged  eleven,  was  proclaimed  queen.  The  Baile, 
Constantine  of  Lambron,  gave  her  in  marriage 
to  Philip,  son  of  the  Count  of  Tripoli.  This  prince 
was  poisoned  and  the  Baile  thereupon  forced  the 
widowed  queen  to  marry  his  own  son  Hethoum. 
This  marriage  brought  the  Hethoumians  of  Lam- 
bron into  power  and  effected  an  union  between  the 

18  Selef  ke.  20  Zeitoun, 

17  Ereghli,  21  Marache. 

isBabaron  (Tchandir-Kale).        22Lajazzo. 
10  Bozanti. 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS    91 

Roubenians  and  the  Hethoumians  who  had  long 
been  rivals.  Hethoum  I  ^^  came  to  the  throne  in 
1226;  that  is  to  say  when  the  Mongols  of  Djenghis- 
Khan  invaded  Western  Asia. 

Temoudjin,  called  Djenghis-Khan  (Augustus), 
after  having  conquered  those  countries  lying  to  the 
north  of  the  Ganges  and  of  the  Indus  made  war 
upon  the  Sultan  of  the  Khorasmians.  Djelal-ed- 
Dine,  one  of  the  sons  of  the  deposed  sovereign,  threw 
himself,  with  his  followers,  upon  Aderbeijan  and 
Ararat.  Georgia  was  laid  waste  and  suffered  the 
same  fate  as  Armenia.  Erzroum  was  taken  and 
pillaged  and  Khlat  sacked.  An  understanding  en- 
tered into  between  the  princes  of  Asia  Minor,  Ala- 
ed-Dine  Kai-Kobat  (1220-1237),  Hethoum  of  Cili- 
cia  and  the  neighboring  Emirs  brought  about  a 
union  which  threw  back  the  common  enemy  who  fled 
towards  the  mountains  of  Kurdistan,  where  he  was 
stabbed  and  died.  The  devastated  towns  had  not 
yet  been  restored  when  the  son  and  successor  of 
Djenghis-Khan  issued  orders  to  Tcharmaghan-Khan 
to  conquer  the  regions  to  the  west  of  the  Caspian 
Sea.  In  1235  Mongols  and  Tatars  exterminated 
the  inhabitants  of  Kantzac;  during  the  succeeding 
years  they  pillaged  Lori,  Ani  and  Kars.  Murders 
and  ruins  followed  in  their  wake  wherever  they  made 
their  appearance.  Batchou,  the  successor  of  Tchar- 
maghan,  marched  in  1242  towards  Erzroum,  which 
at  that  time  was  under  the  suzerainty  of  the  Sultan 
of  Konia.  Ghayas-ed-Dine-Kai-Chosroes,  defeated 
by  the  Mongols  at  Erzindjian,  abandoned  Armenia 
to  the  victors.  In  the  meantime  Sivas  and  Caesarea 
were  sacked  by  the  conquerors  and  Hethoum,  who 

^3  Known  to  the  chroniclers  of  the  Crusaders  as  Ayton. 


92     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

felt  that  he  was  about  to  be  attacked,  sought  to  pro- 
pitiate the  Mongols.  He,  therefore,  sent  ambassa- 
dors to  them  with  costly  presents  and  offered  to  do 
homage  to  the  Tatar  chief.  In  violation  of  his 
plighted  word  he  delivered  to  the  Mongols  the 
mother,  wife  and  daughter  of  the  Sultan  of  Konia, 
who  had  taken  refuge  with  him  and  believed  in  his 
assurances  that  they  would  not  be  surrendered.  In 
order  to  seal  his  alliance  with  the  Tatars  and  put  a 
stop  to  the  devastations  which  continued,  Hethoum 
went  in  person,  in  1254,  to  Khan  Mancou,  at  Kara- 
koroum  in  Tartary.  He  was  well  received  by  the 
sovereign  and  obtained  two  firmans  in  accordance 
with  which  the  Tatars  bound  themselves  to  defend 
the  Armenians  and  to  exempt  their  churches  from 
taxation.  Hethoum  gained  such  power  from  this 
alliance  that,  upon  his  return,  he  was  able,  with  the 
assistance  of  the  Tatars,  to  reconquer  Isauria,  which 
had  been  taken  from  him  by  the  Sultan  of  Konia. 

Shortly  after  this  (1257)  Houlaoun,  brother  of 
Mancou,  arrived  in  Asia  Minor.  Caesarea  and 
Iconium  were  again  laid  waste  and  the  authority  of 
the  Seljuks  completely  annihilated.  Houlaoun  then 
turned  his  arms  towards  Bagdad  and  put  to  death 
Motassem,  the  last  Abbassid  Caliph,  together  with 
his  entire  family.  He  planned  to  deliver  Jerusalem 
but  when  the  death  of  Mancou  brought  about  dis- 
sensions in  Central  Asia,  the  Tatars  suddenly  re- 
tired towards  the  east.  This  move  left  Cilicia  at 
the  mercy  of  the  Mamelukes.  Bilbars,  Sultan  of 
Egypt,  freed  of  the  Tatar  menace,  invested  Sis. 
Adana,  Tarsus  and  Missis  were  devastated 
(1266).  Two  years  later  the  Franks  were  driven 
out  of  Antioch  and  this  loss  aggravated  the  situation 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS    93 

of  Cilicia.  Hethoum,  unable  to  contend  against  the 
Mamelukes,  accepted  an  onerous  truce  and  when  his 
son,  Leo,  was  taken  prisoner,  he  abdicated,  entered 
Holy  Orders  and,  secluded  from  the  world,  died  in  a 
monastery  in  1270. 

During  the  reign  of  his  son  Leo  III  ( 1 269-1 289 ) 
the  Mamelukes  multiplied  their  attacks  and  at  the 
same  time  internal  dissensions  paralyzed  systematic 
resistance.  An  army  composed  of  Egyptians,  Arabs 
and  Turcomans  took  Missis  while  Bilbars  himself 
captured  Aintab,  Albistan  and  Caesarea.  Taking 
advantage  of  the  breathing  spell  produced  by  the 
death  of  Bilbars,  Armenians,  Franks  and  Tatars 
joined  together  and  making  their  way  to  Horns  at- 
tacked the  forces  of  Kelaoun,  the  new  Mameluke 
Sultan;  but  their  united  forces  availed  them  naught 
and  they  were  defeated  and  put  to  flight.  Leo  was 
thereupon  obliged  to  surrender  to  Kelaoun  and  peace 
was  granted  him  for  a  term  of  ten  years,  ten  months 
and  ten  days  on  condition  that  he  pay  a  tribute  of  a 
million  dirhems  in  coin  and  allow  Muslim  slave  trad- 
ers to  purchase  slaves  in  Cilicia  of  both  sexes  and  all 
ages.  When  peace  was  reestablished  commerce 
again  flourished  in  Tarsus  and  Aias.  Leo,  who 
was  intensely  religious,  was  thus  afforded  an  oppor- 
tunity of  devoting  himself  to  the  foundation  of  new 
hospitals,  convents  and  monasteries.  Studious 
monks  were  thereby  enabled  to  apply  themselves  to 
the  studies  of  theological  problems. 

Gregory  III  Pahlavid  ( 1 1 13-1 166),  who  had  been 
chosen  Catholicos  at  the  age  of  twenty,  transferred 
his  Patriarchal  See  first  to  the  castle  of  Djovk^* 
near  ATntab  and  then  to  Romkla,^^  which  he  pur- 

2*  Dullouk.  25  Roum-Kale. 


94     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

chased  of  Josselin,  lord  of  Germanlcia.^^  There 
the  Patriarchs  retained  their  diocesan  headquarters 
for  a  century  and  a  half  until  the  castle  was  taken 
by  the  Mamelukes  (1293).  Thereupon  they  took 
up  their  residence  at  Sis.^^ 

The  relations  existing  between  the  Franks  and  the 
Armenians  could  not  fail  to  bring  up  the  question 
of  the  union  of  the  Armenian  Church  to  that  of 
Rome;  whereas  the  Byzantine  Emperors  took  ad- 
vantage of  this  condition  to  renew  their  pressure  in 
favor  of  the  Greek  Church.  The  Armenian  clergy 
appeared  to  be  disposed  to  conclude  a  pact  of  union 
with  the  Latins,  as  with  the  Byzantines,  based  upon 
a  compromise,  but  the  tentatives  of  Gregory  III, 
Nerses  Schinorhali  and  of  Nerses  of  Lambron  did 
not  come  to  fruition.  While  Gregory  IV  Apirat, 
Constantine  I  and  Gregory  VII,  at  the  head  of  the 
Armenian  Church,  declared  that  they  heartily  coin- 
cided with  the  desire  of  the  Hethoumian  princes  to 
effect  an  union  with  the  Church  of  Rome,  the  bishops 
and  provincial  clergy  of  the  Eastern  districts,  led 
by  Gregory  of  Tathey,  remained  immutable  in  their 
opposition  and  waged  incessant  warfare  against  a 
society  known  as  the  United  Brethren  who  carried 
on  a  propaganda  in  behalf  of  a  spiritual  union  with 
Rome.  The  establishment  of  close  relations  with 
the  Latins,  and  the  elevation  of  a  Catholic  family, 
that  of  the  Lusignans  of  Cyprus,  to  the  throne  of  Ci- 
licia,  served  to  accentuate  the  dislike  felt  by  Muham- 
madans  to  Armenians,  even  although  the  Armenians 

26  Marasche. 

27  After  the  see  of  the  Catholicos  had  been  established  at  Ani 
it  was  moved  to  Zamentau  (1065-1163)  ;  the  castle  of  Djork  (1163- 
1165);  Romkla  (1165-1293)  ;  Sis  (1293-1441),  and  was  then  trans- 
ferred to  Valarsapat  or  Etchmiazin  where  it  is  now  fixed. 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS    95 

were  unsupported  by  the  Western  World.  It  was 
for  this  reason  that  when  the  seat  of  the  Church 
was  transferred  in  1441  from  Sis  to  Etchmiazin  the 
Catholicos  thought  that  it  was  the  part  of  wisdom 
to  put  an  end  to  all  discussion  tending  towards  a 
union  and  thus  did  the  blind  attachment  of  the  Ar- 
menian people  for  the  ancient  traditions  of  the  race 
perpetuate  the  isolation  of  the  Armenian  Church. 

The  creation  of  the  Kingdom  of  Cllicia  brought 
about  an  Armenian  literary  renaissance  and  awak- 
ened a  new  incentive  for  study.  Monasteries,  which 
were  ever  centers  of  public  instruction  in  Armenia, 
multiplied  in  Cllicia  and  monks  devoted  themselves 
not  only  to  the  study  of  letters  but  to  the  reproduc- 
tion of  ancient  manuscripts.  They  evolved  a  new 
style  of  writing  which  is  now  used  In  Armenian 
printed  characters.  To  these  monks  is  due  the  pres- 
ervation of  most  of  the  ancient  Armenian  manu- 
scripts. 

Quite  a  galaxy  of  poets  and  writers  of  prose 
flourished  during  the  twelfth  century,  but  their 
achievements  did  not  add  a  new  luster  to  the  glory 
of  Armenian  literature.  The  first  rank  among  these 
men  of  letters  was  won  by  the  Patriarch,  Nerses 
Schinorhali,  the  Gracious.  He  was  a  member  of  the 
Illustrious  Pahlavid  family  and  attained  distinction 
as  theologian,  poet  and  as  a  master  of  elegant  prose. 
His  commentaries  are  looked  upon  as  models,  his 
pastoral  letters  as  literary  gems  and  his  elegy  deal- 
ing with  the  taking  of  Edessa  by  ZInghi  Atabek  has 
won  high  praise.  While  his  writings  betrayed  the 
Influence  upon  them  of  Oriental  literature,  his  style 
attained  an  elegance  and  purity  until  then  unknown. 
Nerses  of  Lambron,  another  father  of  the  Church, 


96    ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

composed  in  a  truly  vigorous  manner  a  large  number 
!of  works  bearing  upon  doctrinal  questions.  Mat- 
thew of  Edessa,  whose  knowledge  of  the  language 
was  imperfect  and  whose  study  of  history  elemen- 
tary, left  a  series  of  chronicles  surcharged  with  in- 
teresting and  unpublished  data  touching  upon  the 
Crusades.  On  the  other  hand  Makhitar  Koche  com- 
posed a  repertoire  of  fables  and  of  laws.  The  most 
erudite  ecclesiastic  of  that  age  of  renaissance  was 
probably  Vardane  who  published  a  universal  his- 
tory which  furnishes  proof  of  his  knowledge  of  the 
Greek,  Persian,Tatar  and  Hebrew  languages.  An- 
other interesting  work  due  to  this  period  is  the  "  Uni- 
versal History  of  the  Great  Khan,"  written  in  French 
by  King  Hethoum  II,  after  his  abdication  and  dur- 
ing his  retirement  in  Cyprus.  Sembat,  the  Con- 
stable, left  a  translation  of  the  Assises  of  Antioch  ^® 
as  well  as  a  chronicle  wherein  he  depicts  the  society 
in  which  he  moved.  Both  of  these  works  are  writ- 
ten in  the  vulgar  vernacular  of  Cilicia.  The  best 
poet  of  this  age  was  probably  John  of  E'rzengha,  the 
Pluze  or  blue-eyed.  His  very  soul  is  poured  forth 
into  his  hymns  and  elegies. 

Hethoum,  who  succeeded  his  father  Leo  III  in 
1289,  was  more  of  a  churchman  than  a  prince.  He 
was  sincerely  devoted  to  the  Papacy,  which  was  then 
in  the  acme  of  its  power,  and  this  allegiance  gave  rise 
to  perplexities  which  complicated  the  difficult  part 
which  Armenia  was  destined  to  play.  He  appealed 
to  Rome  and  to  the  Knights  of  Rhodes  to  defend  his 

28  The  only  manuscript  of  this  work  which  has  been  preserved 
was  presented  to  the  Library  of  the  Mekhitarists  of  Venice  by  the 
family  of  the  author  of  this  history  of  Armenia  and  of  the  Ar- 
menians. 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS    97 

country  against  the  inroads  of  Islam;  but  to  no 
avail.  Romkla,  the  see  of  the  Catholicos,  was  cap- 
tured by  the  Mamelukes.  Disgusted  with  the  mis- 
fortunes which  befell  him,  Hethoum  abdicated  in 
favor  of  his  brother,  Thoros,  but  he  again  assumed 
the  reins  of  office  and  went  to  Constantinople  to  ap- 
peal to  his  brother-in-law  the  Emperor,  Andronicus 
Palaeologus.  He  turned  over  the  Regency  to  an- 
other brother  Sembat,  but  this  prince  forthwith  pro- 
ceeded to  usurp  the  throne.  The  king  thereupon 
abdicated  a  second  time  but  this  time  in  favor  of  his 
nephew  Leo  IV,  a  lad  of  16  years. 

The  short  reign  of  Leo  IV  (1305-1308)  was 
characterized  by  an  event  of  the  most  momentous 
importance  for  the  future  of  Cilicia.  The  Mongols, 
who  had  espoused  the  cause  of  the  Armenians  and 
who  until  this  moment  were  not  distinguished  for 
their  devotion  to  any  creed,  and  are  said  by  many 
writers  to  have  practiced  no  religion,  suddenly  em- 
braced Islam  and  became  the  allies  of  the  Mame- 
lukes. Leo  IV  was  assassinated  at  the  instigation 
of  the  Mongol  General  Pilargon,  who  had  pene- 
trated as  far  as  Anazarba.  Oschin,  brother  of  the 
martyred  king,  escaped  from  the  snare  which  was 
set  for  him,  held  his  ground  against  the  aggressor 
and  was  proclaimed  king.  Little  by  little  the  king- 
dom of  Cilicia  had  been  reduced  to  the  narrowest 
possible  limits  and  when  Oschin  died,  leaving  a 
minor  son,  Leo  V,  aged  10  years  (1320— 1342),  the 
territorial  area  of  the  kingdom  was  practically  co- 
extensive with  the  boundaries  of  the  city  of  Sis.  The 
youthful  king  entertained  a  violent  hatred  both  of 
his  uncle  Oschin,  Count  of  Korikos,  who  acted  as 
regent  during  his  minority,  and  of  his  wife  the  daugh- 


98     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

ter  of  the  regent.  He  carried  this  aversion  so  far 
that  he  had  both  of  them  assassinated  and  when  only 
nineteen  years  of  age  took  a  second  wife  in  the  per- 
son of  Eleonora,  daughter  of  the  King  of  Sicily  and 
widow  of  Henry  II  of  Cyprus.  Leo  V  entrenched 
himself  in  his  fortress  of  Sis  and  from  that  vantage 
point  saw  the  towns  and  plains  which  owed  him  alle- 
giance devastated  by  the  Mamelukes  and  the  neigh- 
boring Emirs,  while  he  awaited  help  from  the  Occi- 
dent, which  the  Pope  had  promised  him  on  account 
of  his  allegiance  to  the  Church  of  Rome.  This  su- 
pineness  so  disgusted  the  Catholicos  and  the  Arme- 
nian nobles  that  the  latter  put  him  to  death.  Leo 
V  died  without  issue  and  with  him  finished  the  last 
ruler  of  the  Hethoumian  dynasty.  The  throne  of 
Cilicia  thereupon  passed  to  a  race  of  princes  allied  by 
blood  to  the  Lusignans. 

According  to  the  testament  left  by  Leo  V  the 
crown  was  given  to  Guy  of  Lusignan,  a  cousin  of 
the  late  king  and  son  of  Amaury  of  Lusignan.  The 
new  ruler  followed  the  same  policy  that  had  brought 
misfortune  upon  his  predecessor.  He  sought  to 
effect  an  union  between  the  Armenian  National 
Church  and  the  Church  of  Rome  and  thus  alienated 
the  sympathy  of  the  clergy,  who  had  him  assassinated. 
The  crown  then  passed  to  Constantine  of  Nezir,  a 
son  of  Marshal  Baudouin,  Lord  of  the  Castle  of 
Nezir  and  of  Partzerbert.  This  prince  ruled  during 
fifteen  years  but  he  was  unable  to  reestablish  the 
former  glory  of  the  kingdom.  His  successor  was 
Constantine  of  Baldin,  a  relative  of  the  Lusignan 
family;  but  he  too  was  unable  to  add  a  glorious  chap- 
ter to  his  reign  and  died  at  the  hands  of  an  assassin 
who  was  instigated  by  his  nobles.     The  Catholicos 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS    99 

Constantine  IV,  and  the  nobles  then  offered  the 
crown  to  Leo  of  Lusignan,  Seneschal  of  Jerusalem, 
who  had  taken  refuge  in  Cyprus.  For  a  long  time 
Leo  refused,  but  finally  accepted  and  was  able  to 
reach  Sis  through  paying  tribute  to  the  Turcomans. 
He  was  crowned  by  the  papal  legate  but  was  shortly 
thereafter  besieged  in  the  fortress  of  Sis  by  Itch- 
Timour,  Emir  of  Aleppo,  who  was  sent  against  him 
by  the  Sultan  of  Egypt.  Leo  resisted  but  internal 
dissensions  hampered  him  and  he  finally  surrendered 
April  13,  1375.  He  was  carried  by  land  to  Jeru- 
salem and  thence  to  Cairo  where  he  remained  for 
six  years  in  captivity  and  was  only  released  upon  the 
intervention  of  the  King  of  Castile.  He  betook 
himself  to  Rome  and  then  went  to  Spain  and  France 
where  King  Charles  VI  settled  a  pension  upon  him. 
He  died  in  1393  at  the  palace  of  Tournelles  and  was 
laid  to  rest  in  the  royal  vaults  of  Saint  Denis.^® 

Thus  after  two  centuries  of  strife  and  replete  with 
all  kinds  of  vicissitudes,  the  last  Armenian  kingdom 
came  to  an  end.  Many  of  the  nobles  embarked  for 
Italy,  mostly  for  Venice,  and  Cilicia  itself  thus  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  Muslims. 

29 The  following  Armenian  barons  and  kings  ruled  over  Cilicia: 
Rouben  (1080);  Constantine  I  (1095);  Thoros  I  (iioo)  ;  Leo  I 
(1123);  Thoros  II  (1144)  ;  Mleh  (1169);  Rouben  II  (1174);  Leo 
II  (1185);  Zabel  (1219);  Hethoura  I  (1226);  Leo  III  (1269); 
Hethoum  II  (1289);  Leo  IV  (1305);  Oschin  (1308);  Leo  V 
(1320);  Guy  of  Lusignan  (1342);  Constantine  II  (1345);  Con- 
stantine III  (1362) ;  interregnum,  Leo  VI  (1365-1375). 


CHAPTER  VII 

The  Armenians  under  the  Persians  and  the  Ottomans  —  Conquest 
of  Ararat  by  Russia. 

While  CiUcIa  was  falling  under  the  control  of  the 
Sultans  of  Egypt  and  the  Sultanate  of  Konia  was 
being  wrecked  by  the  Invasion  of  the  Tatars,  a  new 
power  was  rising  in  Asia,  that  of  the  Ottoman  Turks. 
The  Ottomans  or  Osmanlls  had  already  penetrated 
into  Thrace,  and  the  Byzantine  Empire  was  prac- 
tically encompassed  within  the  walls  of  Constanti- 
nople. Armenia,  properly  so  called,  was  momen- 
tarily divided,  in  the  north  and  east  into  Persian 
and  Tatar  Khans,  whereas  dynasts,  descendants  of 
the  Seljuks,  dominated  In  the  west,  and  In  the  south 
Kurdish  Seides  and  Sheiks  were  In  control. 

The  population  appeared  to  be  about  to  enjoy  a 
respite  when  Leng-Timour  appeared  upon  the  scene. 
The  audacious  Emir  of  Tartary  and  of  Samercand, 
who  had  subjugated  Central  Asia,  Persia,  Irak  and 
Bagdad,  desired,  at  the  age  of  63,  to  conquer  the 
Occident.  He  invaded  Armenia  when  that  country 
had  barely  recovered  from  the  devastations  caused 
by  the  hordes  of  Mongols.  He  marched  against 
Van  and  when  the  burghers  refused  to  surrender  he 
took  the  city  by  storm  and  threw  the  bodies  of  the 
defenders  from  the  top  of  the  citadel.  The  town 
was  sacked,  the  adjacent  country  laid  waste  and  fam- 
ine made  its  appearance. 

100 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     loi 

Timour  desired  to  subdue  Bayezit  Yildlrim,  Sul- 
tan of  the  Osmanlis,  whose  success  wounded  his 
pride.  He  therefore  attacked  Sivas,  which  in  a  cer- 
tain sense  was  a  fief  of  the  Sultan.  After  several 
attacks  the  town  fell  and  the  Armenians,  who  in  con- 
junction with  the  Turks  had  sought  to  defend  the 
city,  were  severely  punished  to  such  an  extent  that 
the  majority  of  them  were  buried  alive.  Two  years 
later  Timour  attacked  Caesarea  and  invested  An- 
gora. Bayezit,  who  was  awaiting  the  enemy  in  the 
plains  to  the  north  of  the  city,  was  defeated  and  car- 
ried off  in  captivity  (1402).  The  victory  of  An- 
gora put  all  of  Anatolia  under  the  power  of  the  vic- 
tor, for  Smyrna  sought  to  resist  but  fell  after  a  short 
siege. 

Leng-Timour  had  turned  eastward  in  1404  with- 
out having  solidified  his  conquests  and  the  country 
inhabited  by  the  Armenians  fell  under  the  control 
of  Turcoman  dynasts  belonging  to  the  tribes  known 
as  the  Black-Sheep  and  the  White-Sheep.  A  dynast 
named  Iskandar,  who  assumed  the  title  of  Schah- 
Armen,  was  the  first  ruler  and  he  was  followed  by 
his  brother  Djihan-Schah  of  the  dynasty  of  the 
Black-Sheep  who  established  his  residence  at  Tebris 
and  thence  dominated  Aderbeijan,  Van,  Erivan  and 
Georgia.  This  prince  accorded  his  protection  to  the 
then  reigning  Catholicos,  whose  see  was  established 
at  Etchmiazin  and  where  it  has  been  maintained 
since  1441.  Djihan-Kir  of  the  dynasty  of  the 
White-Sheep  had  his  capital  at  Diarbekir  (1443) 
and  his  dominions  extended  over  Mesopotamia, 
Sophene  and  the  Mouch  region.  A  bitter  rivalry 
existed  between  these  two  houses  and  this  enmity 
kept  the  country  in  unending  turmoil. 


102    ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

The  Ottoman  Turks  under  Sultan  Muhammad  II 
the  Fatlh  took  Constantinople  in  1453.  The  con- 
queror treated  with  great  liberality  the  Armenians 
who  inhabited  his  dominions  and  they  had  but  words 
of  praise  for  the  religious  toleration  shown  them  and 
the  protection  accorded  to  their  faith.  This  same 
line  of  conduct  was  happily  followed  by  the  earlier 
successors  of  Muhammad  11.  The  conqueror  had 
barely  entered  his  new  capital  when  he  ordered  that 
a  large  colony  of  Armenians  be  transferred  thither, 
whom  he  distributed  in  the  eccentric  quarters  of  the 
city  lying  within  the  walls.^  The  Metropolitan  of 
the  Armenian  colonies  of  Asia  Minor,  Bishop  Ho- 
vakim,  was  summoned  to  Constantinople,  elevated 
to  the  rank  of  Patriarch  (Patrik)  and  in  1461  was 
accorded  the  titles,  honors  and  immunities  which  the 
Sultan  had  accorded  to  the  Greek  Patriarch. 

As  soon  as  Abou-Nasr-Mouzafer-ed-Dine,  called 
also  Ouzoun-Hassan  (1468— 1478),  of  the  dynasty 
of  the  White-Sheep  ascended  the  throne  he  over- 
threw the  Black-Sheep  and  had  himself  proclaimed 
king  of  Persia.  His  dominions  extended  from  the 
valley  of  the  Oxus  to  that  of  the  Euphrates  and  in- 
cluded Georgia  and  Armenia.  He  was  an  ardent 
follower  of  the  Shiite  sect  of  Muhammadanism  and 
he  desired  to  test  his  strength  in  Asia  with  that  of 
the  conqueror  of  Constantinople  who  was  not  of 

1  The  first  Armenian  colonies  of  Constantinople  -were  divided  into 
six  groups  designated  under  the  names  of  Alti-Djemaat,  which 
were  located  in  the  quarters  of  Kara-Gumruk,  Malta  (near  the 
mosque  of  Ratih),  Tcharchamba  (near  the  mosque  of  Fetie),  Tekke 
(near  the  gate  of  Aya  Kapou),  Keumur-Odalar  (Tavouk-Bazaar), 
Akhir-Kapou.  Until  the  commencement  of  the  nineteenth  century 
the  firmans  issued  by  the  Patriarchs  of  Constantinople  bore  the 
official  designation  of  Alti-Djeraaat. 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     103 

his  sect.  Ouzoun-Hassan  therefore  invaded  Asia 
Minor  and  pillaged  Tokat  and  Sivas.  The  Turks, 
however,  won  a  signal  victory  at  Otlouk-Beli,  and  at 
Terdjan  (1473)  Mahmoud  Pasha,  the  Sultan's  Gen- 
eralissimo, completely  crushed  the  Persians  and 
Turcomans.  A  hasty  flight  alone  saved  Ouzoun- 
Hassan. 

This  victory  made  the  Osmanlis  masters  of  Asia 
Minor  as  far  as  Erzindjian.  Forty  years  later  Sul- 
tan Selim  I  took  up  arms  against  Persia,  where  there 
then  ruled  the  celebrated  Schah  Ismail  of  the  dynasty 
of  the  Sophis.  The  Persians  thought  that  they  could 
prevent  the  forward  march  of  the  Ottomans  by  lay- 
ing everything  in  waste  before  them  and  accordingly 
in  their  retreat  from  Erzroum  towards  Tebris  they 
set  on  fire  the  entire  country.  The  Turkish  army 
encountered  the  Persians  on  the  plains  of  Tchaldiran, 
northwest  of  Tebris.  Schah  Ismail  was  wounded 
and  took  to  flight,  but  his  treasure  and  his  harem 
fell  into  the  hands  of  Selim.  Tebris  was  taken  and 
the  Persian  throne  transferred  to  Constantinople. 
The  victory  of  Tchaldiran  extended  the  limits  of  the 
Ottoman  Empire  beyond  Erzroum  (15 17)  and  the 
Kurdish  Sheiks  and  princes  recognized  the  authority 
of  the  Sultan.  The  Emir  of  Zul-Kadrie  in  Cilicia, 
an  ally  of  the  Schah,  was  defeated  and  his  head  sent 
to  the  Sultan  of  Egypt.  Shortly  after  this,  Selim  I 
conquered  and  took  possession  of  Cilicia,  Syria  and 
Egypt,  sending  to  the  scaffold  Touman-BaT,  the  last 
Mameluke  Sultan. 

Nevertheless  the  contest  between  the  Turks  and 
Persians  was  destined  to  last  indefinitely,  as  had  the 
test  of  strength  between  the  Empire  of  the  Orient 
and  the  Sassanids ;  all  the  while,  at  periodical  inter- 


104    ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

vals,  Armenia  was  turned  Into  a  battlefield.  Under 
Suleiman  the  Magnificent  his  grand  vizir  directed  an 
expedition  against  Thamasp,  the  successor  of  Schah 
Ismail,  taking  Van  and  finally  Tebris,  the  residence 
of  the  Schah  (1534).  Thamasp  refused  to  admit 
that  he  had  been  vanquished  and,  renewing  the  strug- 
gle, ravaged  the  Turkish  frontiers.  Suleiman  there- 
upon put  himself  at  the  head  of  an  army  in  order 
to  capture  Bagdad  and  retake  Tebris,  which  the  Per- 
sians had  reoccupied.  A  new  campaign  (1535) 
brought  about  a  cessation  of  hostilities  but  left  the 
two  adjacent  countries  under  the  menace  of  a  re- 
newal of  the  struggle.  Hostilities  did  in  fact  break 
out  between  Sultan  Mourad  III  and  the  new  Persian 
ruler,  Schah  Abbas.  The  latter  was  compelled  to 
cede  to  the  Ottomans  Georgia,  Persian  Armenia  and 
Tebris.  The  Turkish  commander-in-chief,  Lala 
Moustafa,  carried  away  as  slaves  the  young  boys 
and  girls  of  Erivan,  and  his  successor,  Ferhad  Pasha, 
erected.  In  that  city,  a  fortress  with  the  material  de- 
rived from  the  ruins  of  the  churches  demolished  by 
him.  Ten  years  later  war  was  renewed,  and  Schah 
Abbas  retook  Tebris,  Van,  Nakhtchevan  and  Eri- 
van. It  was  again  sought  to  force  the  Turks  either 
to  retreat  or  to  cross  a  barren  waste  and  therefore 
Abbas  ordered  the  Armenians  to  emigrate  In  a  body 
to  Ispahan,  in  the  interior  of  Persia.  It  is  true  that 
the  king  protected  the  Armenians  and  particularly 
the  new  colony  of  Ispahan  but  the  greater  part  of  the 
emigrants  perished  in  an  inundation  of  the  Araxes 
or  took  refuge  in  Astrakan,  whence  they  drifted  to 
Moldavia  and  to  Poland. 

The  Armenians  of  Turkey  suffered  greatly  to- 
wards the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century  as  a  conse- 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     105 

quence  of  the  uprising  known  as  the  revolt  of  the 
Djelalis,  a  bloody  insurrection,  which  during  fifteen 
years  devastated  the  Asiatic  Ottoman  provinces 
from  the  shores  of  the  Bosporus  to  the  frontiers  of 
Persia.  Chiefs,  such  as  Kara-Yazidji,  Deli-Hassan, 
Kalender  Oglou,  Djenchid,  Topal  Osman,  Djan 
Polad,  each  of  whom  was  capable  of  lining  up  in  bat- 
tle array  from  10,000  to  20,000  combatants,  dom- 
inated the  country  and  declared  themselves  inde- 
pendent. These  brigands,  for  such  they  were,  ter- 
rorized the  Beylerbeys,  devastated,  robbed  and  burnt 
everything  that  was  in  sight  and  outraged  all  of  the 
women  who  appealed  to  their  capricious  fancy.  The 
Armenians  were  the  objects  of  their  most  persistent 
attacks  and  therefore  home  and  fireside  were  once 
again  abandoned.  Famine  followed  (1606— 1609), 
dead  bodies  were  consumed  and  little  children  im- 
molated that  their  flesh  might  feed  the  starving 
adults.  Finally  the  bravery  of  an  octogenarian  of 
rare  energy,  Kouyoudji  Mourad  Pasha,  delivered 
Asia  Minor  from  the  devastating  presence  of  the 
Djelalis  (1608). 

The  peace  which  was  signed  with  Persia  in  16 10, 
during  the  reign  of  Ahmed  I,  was  nothing  but  a 
truce.  Hostilities  did  not  cease  until  1639,  when, 
after  the  death  of  Schah  Abbas,  Mourad  IV  defi- 
nitely annexed  Bagdad  to  his  dominions  and  ceded 
Erivan  and  Tebris  to  Persia. 

In  1722  Ibrahim  Pasha,  Grand  Vizir  of  Ahmed 
III,  sought  to  take  advantage  of  certain  dynastic 
complications  occurring  in  Persia,  in  order  to  gain, 
in  Asia,  compensation  for  the  losses  suffered  by 
Turkey  in  Europe.  Once  again  Erivan  and  Tebris 
fell  into   the   hands   of  the   Turks    (1724).     The 


io6     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

fruits  of  this  conquest  were,  however,  ephemeral 
and  the  new  war,  which  lasted  twelve  years,  served 
only  to  reopen  the  same  recurrent  chapter  of  slaugh- 
ter and  devastation.  The  border  states  were  ruined 
to  such  an  extent  that  they  have  never  fully  recov- 
ered. The  definitive  peace  which  was  concluded  in 
1736  by  and  between  Schah  Nadir  and  Sultan  Mah- 
moud  I  forced  Turkey  to  give  up  its  latest  conquests 
and  thereby  Georgia,  Tiflis  and  Erivan  passed  defi- 
nitely from  under  Ottoman  control. 

The  Turks  who,  under  Muhammad  II,  had  given 
proof  of  most  praiseworthy  broadness  of  mind,  be- 
came intoxicated  by  the  successes  achieved  under 
Selim  I  and  Suleiman  the  Magnificent  and  resorted 
to  violence,  oppression  and  intolerance.  No  Chris- 
tian (or  Rai'a)  could  enjoy  any  political  right  unless 
he  espoused  Muhammadanism.  Numerous  new  dis- 
ciples of  Islam,  who  had  voluntarily  or  under  duress 
abandoned  the  Christian  religion,  proved  to  be  far 
more  intolerant  than  the  Turks  themselves.  The 
Armenian,  as  ignorant  as  his  ruler,  in  charge  of  a 
clergy  equally  as  ignorant,  led  a  miserable  existence, 
continually  oppressed  by  the  cruel  exactions  of 
the  governing  classes  and  the  exigencies  of 
his  feudal  chiefs.  If  it  be  true  that  the  law  known 
as  the  Devchirme  had  fallen  into  disuse  since 
the  days  of  Mourad  IV  the  Christian  Ottoman  sub- 
ject was  forced  to  pay  the  capitation  tax,  the  tax  upon 
real  property  and  those  special  taxes  which  must  be 
paid  by  bachelors  and  wherever  a  betrothal  is  cele- 
brated, not  to  speak  of  the  statute  labor  or  corvee 
whenever  the  troops  passed  through  the  country. 
The  governing  classes  and  the  mighty,  as  well  as  the 
Sultan,  made  use  of  the  right  of  Oeurf.     Might  was 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     107 

so  entrenched  in  power  that  the  Christian  enjoyed 
no  safeguard  for  the  protection  of  his  life,  his  honor, 
his  property.  He  was  liable  arbitrarily  to  be  sent 
into  exile,  or  to  be  condemned  to  death  or  to  witness 
the  confiscation  of  his  property  and  the  despoilment 
of  his  wife  and  his  daughters.  It  was  his  duty  to 
wear  a  prescribed  dress  and  the  slightest  violation 
of  the  most  commonplace  regulation  entailed  the 
payment  of  a  heavy  fine  or  might  result  in  the  inflic- 
tion of  capital  punishment.  While  the  exercise  of 
the  Christian  religion  was  allowed,  it  was  provided 
that  churches  should  be  small,  unobtrusive  and  of 
wood  and  it  was  forbidden  to  repair  them  without 
previously  paying  tribute  to  the  cupidity  of  the 
powerful.  A  Muslim,  and  more  particularly  a 
Janissary,  enjoyed  the  legal  right  of  cutting  off  the 
head  of  a  Christian  in  order  to  test  the  sharpness  of 
the  blade  of  his  scimitar.  Notwithstanding  all  of 
these  manifold  exactions,  the  Armenian  enjoyed  with 
Greek  and  Jew  the  monopoly  of  commerce  and  in- 
dustry, as  the  Muslim  despised  such  pursuits.  The 
commerce  with  the  interior  of  Asia  Minor  and  with 
the  Caucasus,  Persia  and  India  was  the  special  pre- 
serve of  the  Armenian.  In  time  the  Armenian  be- 
came the  valued  client  of  Turkish  high  officials,  offi- 
cers and  Janissaries  because  he  found  a  way  to  sati- 
ate their  cupidity. 

The  position  of  the  Armenians  in  Persia  was  not 
a  more  enviable  one  than  that  which  has  just  been 
sketched.  They  were  at  the  mercy  of  semi-inde- 
pendent Khans.  Religious  fanaticism  was  carried 
to  lengths  unheard  of  in  Turkey,  for  in  Persia  the 
Shiite  considered  himself  defiled  if  the  wearing  ap- 
parel of  a  Christian  should  touch  him. 


io8     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

Beginning  at  the  date  of  its  transfer  to  Etchmi- 
azin,  the  Patriarchal  See  found  itself  in  a  most  la- 
mentable position,  for  there  all  of  the  horrors  of 
war  and  of  internecine  strife  were  felt  to  the  fullest 
extent.  More  than  thirty  incumbents  succeeded  to 
the  title  of  Catholicos  or  coadjutor  without  the  sanc- 
tion of  an  electoral  assembly.  Some  of  these  dig- 
nitaries took  advantage  of  the  fact  that  they  were 
in  possession  of  the  relics  of  the  Illuminator  and 
others  had  recourse  to  the  protection  either  of  Per- 
sian Khans  or  Turkish  Pashas  who  always,  it  need 
not  be  said,  yielded  to  the  arguments  advanced  by 
the  highest  bidder  and  at  the  same  time  frequently 
subjected  prospective  candidates  to  physical  duress 
in  order  to  derive  pecuniary  profit  from  such  prac- 
tices. These  unfortunate  victims  of  such  rapacity 
were  often  without  resources  and  were  therefore  con- 
strained to  dispose  of  their  sacred  treasures  in  order 
to  satisfy  the  greed  of  the  governing  classes  who  in- 
cessantly harassed  them.  The  patriarchal  mon- 
astery fell  into  ruin  —  and  the  church,  the  sanctu- 
ary, that  the  people  venerated  above  all  others,  was 
more  than  once  turned  into  a  stable.  There  was, 
however,  one  figure  who  stood  out  in  bold  relief: 
Michael  of  Sebaste  (i 542-1 570),  who,  in  the  face 
of  all  of  these  difliculties,  introduced  into  Armenia 
the  art  of  printing.  He  sent  Abgar  of  Tokat  ^  to 
Italy  (1562),  to  learn  the  intricacies  of  this  craft 
and  from  that  moment  Armenian  presses  sprang  up 
and  multiplied  in  Rome,  Constantinople,  Etchmiazin 
and  Amsterdam.     The  spirit  of  ambition,  evoked  by 

2  Editions,  issued  in  1513,  have  been  unearthed,  the  work  of 
Venetian  printers  acting  in  collaboration  with  an  Arnnenian  named 
James  Meghapart. 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     109 

this  movement,  led  Moses  II,  when  he  became 
Catholicos,  to  undertake  a  work  of  reform  and  he 
raised  his  see  from  the  ruins  in  which  he  found  it. 
He  obtained  from  the  Persian  Government  a  cessa- 
tion of  the  exactions  which  had  nullified  the  efforts  of 
his  predecessors  and  so  successful  was  he  that  a 
firman  issued,  granting  Armenians  release  from  cer- 
tain taxes.  His  successors  continued  the  work  of 
restoration.  In  1777  Catholicos  Simeon  introduced 
a  new  reform  of  the  ecclesiastical  calendar  as  re- 
gards the  celebration  of  religious  feasts. 

No  words  can  furnish  a  more  accurate  idea  of  the 
state  of  the  Patriarchal  See  of  Etchmiazin  during 
the  seventeenth  century  than  the  picturesque  lan- 
guage of  a  traveler,  Tavernier,  who  visited  the  coun- 
try at  about  this  time.  He  wrote  that  "  the  first 
locality  one  encounters  upon  entering  Persia  by  way 
of  Armenia  is  the  spot  called  the  Three-Churches 
or  Utch-Kilisse,  situate  at  a  distance  of  about  three 
leagues  from  Erivan.  The  Armenians  have  given 
to  this  place  the  name  of  Etchmiazin  as  this  word 
means  the  Descent  of  the  Only  Son.  All  Armenians 
entering  or  leaving. Persia  stop  here  in  order  to  offer 
prayers  before  the  altar  of  the  Three-Churches  and 
caravans  generally  remain  here  five  or  six  days. 
The  day  after  my  arrival  I  visited  the  Patriarch.^ 
I  was  ushered  into  a  small  room  where  I  found  him 
seated  on  a  mat,  his  legs  crossed  in  true  Oriental 
fashion.  There  were  scattered  around  the  room 
several  archbishops  and  bishops  in  the  same  posture. 
The  Patriarch  gave  orders  that  the  collation  be 
brought  in,  which  consisted  of  cheese,  pears,  apples 

3  Probably  Hacob  IV  (James)  of  Djoulfa  who  sought  to  build  an 
addition  to  the  monastery  and  had  a  very  stormy  pontificate. 


no    ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

and  some  kind  of  onions.  When  everything  had 
been  placed  on  the  Sofra,  which  is  a  piece  of  leather 
spread  on  the  ground,  the  Patriarch  said  "a  prayer, 
blessed  the  bread  and  then  broke  it  and  gave  a  piece 
of  it  to  every  one,  keeping  for  himself  but  a  mouth- 
ful. He  thereupon  blessed  the  wine  but  did  not 
partake  of  it.  Saturday,  the  eve  of  Sunday,  of  Car- 
nival week,  the  Patriarch  sent  an  invitation  to  the  en- 
tire caravan,  masters  and  servants,  to  come  and  hear 
mass  and  stay  on  for  dinner  at  the  monastery. 
When  the  service  was  over  everybody  entered  a  long 
arched  gallery  some  fifteen  to  twenty  feet  in  width. 
From  one  side  to  the  other  there  was  a  large  stone 
table,  with  a  bench  of  like  material  the  length  of  the 
wall.  On  this  bench  we  were  to  take  our  seats. 
Facing  was  a  chair  reserved  for  the  Patriarch." 

The  Patriarchs  of  Constantinople  succeeded  one 
another  in  no  less  rapid  manner;  forty-five  incum- 
bents occupied  that  see  during  the  century  begin- 
ning 1600.  Most  of  these  Patriarchs  were  un- 
worthy of  so  exalted  an  honor;  they  were  ignorant, 
of  low  origin,  and  men  who  took  advantage  of 
the  corrupt  practices  which  consisted  of  giving 
presents  to  the  Grand  Vizir  to  obtain  from  him 
a  dignity  which  money  obtained  and  merit  did 
not  acquire.  These  changes  were  all  the  more  fre- 
quent for  the  reason  that  the  Ottoman  Court  was 
generally  established  at  Adrianople  and  thus  the 
capital  fell  under  the  control  of  subordinates  known 
as  Kaimacam.  Greek  monks  took  advantage  of 
these  conditions  to  obtain,  during  the  vizirate  of 
Keuprulu  Mehmed,  a  firman  attributing  to  them 
the  Armenian  monastery  of  Jerusalem.  The  ter- 
rible vizir,  however,  who  was  seeking,  by  his  sword, 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     iii 

to  put  an  end  to  abuses,  recognized  the  rights  of  the 
Armenians  and  ordered  that  the  convent  be  restored 
to  them,  which  was  done  in  1659,  after  they  had 
been  dispossessed  for  two  years. 

Religious  conflicts  disturbed  the  tranquillity  of  the 
Armenians.  One  of  those  intriguing  bishops,  to 
whom  reference  has  been  made,  John  the  Deaf,  had 
had  himself  installed  in  the  Patriarchal  See  of  Con- 
stantinople and  having  shown  distinct  tendencies  fa- 
vorable to  Roman  Catholic  rites,  his  policy  provoked 
trouble  during  the  first  quarter  of  the  seventeenth 
century.  He  was,  however,  reversed  by  the  con- 
servative element  of  the  Church.  Then  again  an 
Armenian  bishop,  Nicol  of  Poland,  joined  the  Cath- 
olic Church  about  the  middle  of  the  same  century 
and  Catholic  missionaries,  led  by  Clement  Galano 
and  supported  by  the  French  Embassy,  began  an 
active  campaign  of  propaganda  in  and  around  Con- 
stantinople. This  movement  won  the  support  of  a 
group  of  Armenians  and  even  gained  to  its  cause 
Thomas,  Bishop  of  Aleppo,  who  had  just  seized  the 
Patriarchate.  Catholicism  likewise  spread  at  Mar- 
dine  and  Aleppo.  Officially  those  converts  to  Ca- 
tholicism continued  to  owe  spiritual  obedience  to 
the  Patriarchate  and  the  conservative  element  of 
the  Church,  strong  numerically  and  having  influence 
in  governmental  circles,  did  its  utmost  to  thwart  this 
movement  and  prevent  a  definitive  schism  or  out- 
right secession.  The  Patriarch,  Avedik  of  Tokat 
(  1 702—1 706 ) ,  who  was  very  tolerant  in  dealing  with 
the  Catholic  Armenians,  but  who  nevertheless  reso- 
lutely foiled  the  thrusts  of  Feriol,  the  French  Am- 
bassador, was,  upon  the  demand  of  that  diplomat, 
incarcerated  in  the  Seven-Towers,  and  later  exiled 


112    ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

to  Tenedos,  whence  he  was  carried  to  France  where 
the  unfortunate  man  whose  religious  viewpoint  was 
essentially  opposed  to  the  principles  of  Catholicism, 
was  so  harassed  that  he  finished  by  formally  enter- 
ing the  Church  of  Rome.  When  he  died  he  was 
accorded  distinguished  honor,  of  burial  in  the  church 
of  Saint-Sulpice. 

It  cannot  be  denied  that  Armenian  Roman  Cath- 
olics were  pioneers  in  spreading  education  among 
the  Armenian  people.  An  ecclesiastic  of  broad 
vision  and  with  a  thirst  for  knowledge,  Mekhitar  de 
Sebaste,  after  surmounting  innumerable  difficulties, 
founded  in  the  Isle  of  St.  Lazarus,  Venice,  a  con- 
gregation devoted  to  the  spread  of  education  among 
the  Armenians.  Mekhitar  was  compelled  to  yield 
to  certain  exigencies  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church 
authorities  before  being  able  to  devote  himself  freely 
to  his  work  of  intellectual  culture.  The  Armenian 
nation  readily  and  without  reserve  pays  homage  to 
the  work  carried  out  by  the  Mekhitarists  of  Venice 
and  Vienna  who  have  done  so  much  to  enrich  the  Ar- 
menian language  and  literature.  The  Armenians 
of  Constantinople,  following  the  example  of  the 
Greeks,  made  laudable  efforts  to  advance  the  cause 
of  education.  They  established  printing  presses 
(1700)  and  schools  and  under  the  leadership  of 
Patriarchs  John  Colod  and  James  Nalian,  (1715- 
1764),  many  valuable  books  were  published.  At 
about  this  time  the  custom  began  of  sending  young 
men  to  Italy  and  to  France  to  complete  their  literary 
course  and  to  take  up  the  study  of  medicine,  law  and 
of  the  sciences. 

Successive  immigrations  added  largely  to  the  Ar- 
menian colonies  of  Russia,  the  Crimea,  Moldavia 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     113 

and  Poland.  The  colony  established  in  the  Tatar 
country,  at  Astrakan  and  Kazan  on  the  banks  of  the 
Volga,  greatly  contributed  to  the  development  of 
the  trade  of  these  districts.  Armenians  there  at- 
tained to  such  high  distinction  that  they  are  found 
in  command  of  Tatar  armies.  Notwithstanding 
this,  many  of  them  emigrated  to  the  Crimean  Penin- 
sula, and  particularly  to  the  district  of  Kaffa  or 
Theodossia  where  Genoese  influence  made  itself  felt. 
The  Turkish  occupation  of  the  Crimea  and  the  con- 
sequent tyranny  broke  up  the  Armenian  colony  and 
drove  some  of  its  members  to  Moldavia  and  Poland 
and  others  to  Constantinople  (1475).  Those  who 
settled  in  Moldavia  were,  at  first,  denied  permis- 
sion to  acquire  the  rights  of  citizenship  and  they  ac- 
cordingly in  1 67 1  moved  to  Transylvania,  where 
Leopold  I  accorded  them  citizenship,  as  well  as  a 
species  of  autonomy.  Armenians  thence  drifted 
into  Hungary  where,  under  the  protection  of  Maria 
Theresa,  high  honors  in  the  civil  administration  and 
in  the  army  were  granted  to  some  of  them.  The 
Armenian  colony  of  Poland  of  200,000  souls  was 
the  most  important  of  all,  in  point  of  numbers. 
This  colony,  scattered  through  Galicia,  Volhynia  and 
the  city  of  Lemberg,  enjoyed  a  form  of  political 
autonomy  and  had  its  own  courts  and  national 
judges.  Years  have  passed  and  this  colony  has  to- 
day practically  lost  its  identity:  in  numbers  it  is  re- 
duced to  a  scant  5,000  who  do  not  even  know  the 
language  of  their  ancestors. 

It  was  not  only  towards  the  west  that  the  Ar- 
menians emigrated.  Those  who  were  established 
at  Djoulfa  near  Ispahan  went  to  India,  to  Bombay, 
Calcutta  and  Madras  and  even  as   far  as  Java. 


114     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

Trade  called  them  to  these  points.  The  Indian  col- 
ony of  only  12,000  was  extremely  generous  and  on 
many  occasions  gave  liberally  of  its  wealth  to  ad- 
vance the  cause  of  education. 

The  first  Armenian  newspaper  was  published  at 
Madras  in  1794. 

It  was  Peter  the  Great  who  encouraged  the  Ar- 
menians to  found  colonies  in  Russia.  He  desired 
to  develop  the  trade  of  his  country  and  recognized 
the  rare  commercial  attributes  of  the  Armenian. 
Catherine  II  pursued  the  same  policy,  and  the  Ar- 
menians of  the  Crimea,  tired  of  the  oppression  of 
Tatar  Khans,  founded,  on  the  banks  of  the  Don,  the 
city  of  Novo-Nakhtchevan.  They  entered  the  Rus^ 
sian  armies  and  gave  proof  of  those  military  talents 
which  had  distinguished  them  during  the  days  of  the 
Byzantine  Empire. 

The  Russians  had  already  invaded  the  Caucasus 
during  the  reign  of  Catherine  II  and  extended  their 
protection  over  the  kingdom  of  Georgia,  which  had 
continued  its  existence  under  the  suzerainty,  more  or 
less  real,  of  Persia.  Agha  Mahmoud  Khan,  who 
had  seized  the  throne  of  Persia,  hastened  to  Georgia 
to  avenge  himself  upon  that  country  on  account  of 
its  defection.  Tiflis  was  pillaged  for  three  days 
and  the  Persians  carried  off  thousands  of  Christian 
children  of  both  sexes.  The  Russians  then  occupied 
Georgia  and  Karabagh,  where  the  Armenian  Meliks 
aided  them  in  the  pursuit  of  the  e<iemy  (1798). 
The  Persians  were  unable  to  reconcile  themselves  to 
the  loss  of  this  Caucasian  territory.  Abbas  Mirza, 
eldest  son  of  the  new  Schah  Feth-Ali,  put  himself 
at  the  head  of  a  large  army  in  order  to  retake  the 
country   occupied   by   the    Russians.     He    was    re- 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     115 

pulsed  a  first  time  in  18 13,  again  declared  war,  in- 
vaded Karabagh  and  laid  siege  to  Schouchi,  which 
was  defended  by  Armenians.  While  the  division 
commanded  by  the  Armenian  General  Matadow 
threw  back  the  Persians  beyond  the  Araxes,  the  Rus- 
sian commander-in-chief,  Paskievitch,  invaded  the 
province  of  Erivan,  took  Etchmiazin,  Nakhtchevan 
and  then  Tebris  and  pushed  his  outposts  as  far  as  Ur- 
mia. The  brilliant  campaign  of  Paskievitch,  during 
which  Armenian  volunteers,  led  by  Nerses,  Bishop  of 
Aschtarac,  had  fought  in  the  Russian  ranks,  brought 
about  peace.  Feth-Ali  concluded  a  treaty  at  Turk- 
men-Tchai  (1828),  whereby  he  ceded  to  Russia  the 
Khanates  of  Erivan  and  of  Nakhichevan.  A  large 
portion  of  Persian  Armenia  thus  became  Russian 
and  the  Armenians  of  Aderbeijan  were  given  the 
option  of  leaving  Persia  in  order  to  take  up  their 
residence  in  the  annexed  provinces.  This  emigra- 
tion movement  was  led  by  an  Armenian  Colonel 
Lazarew  and  the  number  of  his  fellow  countrymen 
who  remained  under  Persian  suzerainty  was  reduced 
to  100,000  souls.  The  Russian  conquest,  in  deliv- 
ering Georgia  and  Armenia  from  the  yoke  of  the 
Persians,  freed  these  territories  from  those  ravages 
which  had  in  the  past  been  incessantly  carried  out  by 
Mahmoud  Khan  and  men  of  his  caliber. 

In  the  meantime  war  broke  out  between  Turkey 
and  Russia,  hostilities  commencing  at  the  same  time 
in  Europe  and  in  Asia.  The  Russians  under  Pas- 
kievitch took  Kars,  Ardahan  and  Toprak-Kale. 
When  the  campaign  was  resumed  in  1829  they  sent 
their  troops  as  far  as  Erzroum.  Terms  of  peace 
agreed  to  at  Andrianople  restored  the  occupied  cities 
to  Turkey  with  the  exception  of  Akaltchik  and  Poti. 


ii6    ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

As  in  the  case  of  the  treaty  of  Turkmen-Tchai,  Ar- 
menians, resident  in  Turkey,  were  allowed  the  op- 
tion of  emigrating  to  Russia  and  the  Bishop  of  Erz- 
roum  took  advantage  of  this  right  to  lead  into  the 
province  of  Erivan  many  Armenians  who  inhabited 
the  Turkish  territory  adjacent  to  the  Turco-Rus- 
sian  frontier.  This  step  was  taken  by  him  not- 
withstanding promises  given  by  the  Ottoman  author- 
ities guaranteeing  to  Christians  their  life,  honor  and 
the  exercise  of  their  religion. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

The  Annenians  during  the  nineteenth  century  and  the  early  days 
of  the  twentieth  century. 

The  nineteenth  century  marked  a  signal  improve- 
ment in  the  moral  existence  and  material  welfare  of 
the  Armenian  people.  Education  spread,  economic 
development  became  accentuated  and  a  distinct  for- 
ward movement  bespeaking  progress  and  advance- 
ment was  manifest.  Armenians  were  admitted  in 
Russia,  Turkey  and  Persia  to  political  and  admin- 
istrative honors  and  responsibilities. 

The  reign  of  Mahmoud  II  seemed  destined  to 
usher  in  a  new  era  in  the  history  of  Turkey.  This 
energetic  sovereign  had  disbanded  the  Janissaries 
and  sought  to  put  an  end  to  existing  abuses.  An 
enlightened  minister  of  the  Sultan,  Grand  Vizir 
Rechid  Pasha,  had  caused  the  Tanzimat  to  be  pro- 
mulgated in  1839.  This  new  ordinance  set  forth  new 
guarantees  safeguarding  the  life,  honor  and  fortune 
of  all  subjects  of  the  Empire  and  specifically  pro- 
vided for  absolute  equality  before  the  law.  After 
the  Crimean  war,  the  Sultan,  pursuant  to  the  advice 
of  his  ministers,  yielding  with  becoming  dignity  to  a 
current  set  in  motion  by  Lord  Stratford  de  Redcliffe 
and  supported  by  France,  confirmed  the  assurances 
embodied  in  the  Tanzimat  and  decreed  that  Chris- 
tians should  be  admitted  to  military  service.  In 
addition  it  was  provided  that  all  privileges  and  im- 
munities accorded  of  old  should  be  considered  re- 

117 


ii8     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

vived  and  to  be  of  full  force  and  effect.  A  decree 
known  as  the  Hatti  Sherif  abolished  the  old  distinc- 
tion formerly  obtaining  between  Muhammadans  and 
Rai'as  and  thus  Turkey,  inspired  by  the  enlightened 
policy  of  the  Vizirs,  Ali-Fuad  and  Ruchdy  Pashas, 
inaugurated,  under  the  reign  of  Abdul  Aziz,  what 
might  well  be  styled  a  liberal  administration. 

It  Is  true  that  many  of  the  reforms  were  never  put 
Into  execution,  but  the  very  fact  that  it  was  found 
necessary  to  promulgate  them,  lent  color  to  the  be- 
lief that  a  new  era  had  dawned.  One  salient 
change,  of  a  purely  social  nature,  it  is  true,  served 
to  mark  a  milestone  in  the  march  of  progress  for, 
from  and  after  the  reign  of  Abdul  Medjid,  Chris- 
tians were  able  to  brave  the  prejudices  ingrained  In 
the  very  soul  of  Islam  and  adopt  the  customs  and 
manners  of  the  Occident,  Before  this  epoch  an 
Armenian  woman  could  not  appear  unveiled  in  the 
streets.  Local  conditions  forced  her  to  follow  a 
deep-rooted  Muhammadan  custom.  From  this  mo- 
ment, however,  she  was  able  to  consult  her  own 
personal  pleasure  and  go  about  unveiled  if  she  so 
desired.  Many  Armenians  of  the  Caucasus  joined 
the  Russian  army  as  volunteers.  Others  studied  in 
the  schools  of  Moscow  and  St.  Petersburg  and 
reached  high  posts  in  the  civil  and  military  service 
of  the  country. 

In  Turkey  the  powder  monopoly  which  was 
granted  by  Selim  III  to  certain  Armenians,  the 
Dadians,  continued  to  be  enjoyed  by  them;  other  Ar- 
menians, Duz  and  Kazez  Artin,  controlled  the  coin- 
age of  the  land;  and  Balian  became  the  Sultan's 
architect.  Then  again  Nubar  Pasha,  the  prime 
minister  of  the  Viceroy  of  Egypt,  cooperated  in  the 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS    119 

rejuvenation  of  that  country.  Beginning  with  the 
reign  of  Sultan  Aziz  Armenians  are  found  occupying 
posts  of  great  responsibility  not  only  in  the  Minis- 
tries but  also  in  the  telegraph  service,  and  their 
names  even  figure  in  the  purely  civil  list  of  the  Sul- 
tan. The  favor  which  their  merits  had  won  for 
them  in  the  Ottoman  Empire,  also  gained  for  the 
Armenians  of  Persia  like  recognition  from  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  Schah,  for  members  of  the  Neriman 
and  Malcom  families  figured  among  the  high  Persian 
Court  dignitaries  and  in  the  diplomatic  service  of 
that  country. 

This  national  regeneration  first  made  itself  felt  in 
the  Caucasus.  There  the  Armenian  found  security 
for  his  life  and  property  and  an  equality  before  the 
law  which  had  been  denied  to  him  for  centuries.  As 
soon  as  the  beneficent  effects  of  the  security  which 
was  assured  to  him  by  the  Russian  Government  be- 
gan to  be  felt,  the  Armenian  set  to  work  to  improve 
his  moral  and  material  welfare.  In  Russian  Ar- 
menia agriculture  began  tc  ^nrive,  trade  to  prosper 
and  arts  and  crafts  either  to  spring  into  being  or  to 
assume  a  new  life.  The  Institute  of  Oriental  Lan- 
guages, founded  in  18 18  by  the  Lazarew  family,  at 
once  became  a  center  whence  Armenian  scholars 
made  their  influence  felt.  Colleges  were  founded  in 
Tiflis  and  other  cities  where  libraries,  printing 
presses,  literary  societies  and  philanthropic  bodies 
also  came  into  being.  The  Armenians  of  the  Cau- 
casus, whose  numbers  continued  to  multiply,  took 
advantage  of  these  opportunities,  and  took  first  rank 
in  the  work  of  intellectual  renaissance  which  then 
swept  over  the  country.  Generous  men  of  wealth, 
such   as   Sanassarian,  bequeathed  their   entire   for- 


I20    ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

tunes  to  endow  colleges,  and  Mantachew  built,  at 
his  own  expense,  a  church  in  Paris.  Newspapers 
and  periodicals  were  issued  in  large  numbers  during 
1846  and  thus  added  a  new  and  efficient  means  for 
the  diffusion  of  general  knowledge. 

A  regulation  known  as  the  Pologenia  was  issued 
by  the  Russian  Government  in  1836,  bearing  upon 
the  mode  of  election,  and  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical 
authority  of  the  Catholicos.  According  to  this  de- 
cree the  Catholicos  is  elected  by  an  assembly  com- 
posed of  delegates  who  represent  the  various  Ar- 
menian colonies  of  the  entire  country.  At  one  time 
the  relations  of  the  Catholicos  to  Armenians  resi- 
dent in  Turkey  presented  certain  difficulties,  but  this 
matter  is  now  regulated  and  recognized  by  the  Porte, 
as  the  result  of  the  efforts  of  Matthew  I  (1858- 
1865),  a  former  Patriarch  of  Constantinople.  His 
successor,  George  IV,  reorganized  the  seminary  of 
Etchmiazin  and  restored  the  old  Patriarchal  con- 
vent. 

This  forward  movement  did  not  assume  so  strong 
a  current  among  the  Armenians  of  Turkey.  The 
Constantinople  colony  was  torn  asunder  by  an  inter- 
necine religious  strife.  Patriarchs  came  and  went 
without  associating  their  name  with  any  work  of 
real  utility.  The  prominent  men  of  the  nation,  the 
merchants  and  bankers,  in  whose  hands  reposed  the 
interests  of  the  community,  were  mainly  interested 
in  questions  of  personal  rivalry  and  with  matters 
touching  upon  their  influence  with  this  or  that  Divan. 
To  such  an  extent  was  this  discord  carried  that  the 
entire  Constantinople  colony  was  not  able  to  pro- 
vide for  the  existence  of  a  single  high  school. 

During  the  first  quarter  of  the  nineteenth  century 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     121 

the  Armenian  Roman  Catholic  question  entered  an 
acute  phase,  largely  owing  to  the  great  strides  which 
Catholicism  made  among  Armenians  from  and  after 
the  eighteenth  century.  In  order  to  arrest  the  prog- 
ress of  the  secession  which  appeared  to  be  destined 
to  assume  large  proportions,  conciliatory  spirits  in 
both  camps  arranged  during  the  reign  of  Paul  of 
Adrianople  in  18 16  for  a  meeting  between  theo- 
logians of  both  communions,  but  the  discussion  which 
ensued  served  only  to  accentuate  the  differences  be- 
tween both  sects.  The  government  sought  to  put 
an  end  to  these  disputes  and  to  the  disorders  which 
flowed  therefrom,  by  sending  into  exile  Kafez  Ar- 
tine,  the  most  prominent  Armenian  of  Constanti- 
nople. Shortly  after  this  Armenian  Catholics  fell 
into  the  bad  graces  of  Sultan  Mahmoud  II  because 
he  imagined  that  they  were  on  too  friendly  terms 
with  the  European  fleet  whose  ships  had  recently 
destroyed  the  Ottoman  navy  at  Navarino.  Entire 
families  were  deported  to  Angora  and  Kutahia.  It 
was  only  after  the  signing  of  the  treaty  of  peace  of 
1829  and  the  intervention  of  the  Powers,  that  the 
exiles  were  able  to  return.  In  order  to  put  an  end 
to  what  appeared  to  be  an  insoluble  difficulty  the 
Porte  finally  consented,  (1830),  to  the  appointment 
of  a  Roman  Catholic  Armenian  Patriarch.  This  so- 
lution, which  exempted  Armenian  Catholics  from  the 
jurisdictional  control  of  the  Armenian  Patriarch,  en- 
couraged the  Protestant  dissidents  to  lay  claim  to 
autonomy  and  a  new  community  sprang  into  being 
known  as  the  Protestant  Nation  (1847). 

Religious  discords  then  subsided,  but  the  spirit  of 
party  and  of  disagreement  was  destined  to  survive 
among   the   new   generation.     Education   was   not 


122     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

looked  after  with  necessary  care  and  a  veneer  of 
knowledge  was  preferred  to  the  sound  foundation 
which  unremitting  effort  alone  can  engender.  The 
result  was  that  towards  the  end  of  the  nineteenth 
century  petty  questions  of  personalities  stood  in  the 
way  of  the  moral  and  material  uplifting  of  the  na- 
tion. 

Armenian  literature  owes  the  forward  strides 
made  during  the  nineteenth  century  to  the  efforts  of 
the  Mekhitarist  congregation.  These  Venetian 
Churchmen  composed  the  academic  dictionary  of 
the  Armenian  language  and  translated  Plutarch,  Sal- 
lus,  Seneca,  Eusebius  and  Thucydides  into  the  classi- 
cal Armenian  language  of  the  fifth  century.  The 
Hurmuz  brothers,  poets  and  writers  of  prose,  trans- 
lated the  French  classics;  Alichan,  geographer  and 
philologist,  published  monographs  dealing  with  Ar- 
arat, Sissouan  and  Sissacan;  Arsene  Pagratouni,  Ar- 
menian scholar  and  grammarian,  translated  Homer, 
Virgil  and  Milton  and  composed  an  original  epic, 
Haic,  wherein  he  gave  proof  of  outstanding  talent. 
Among  those  fathers  of  the  same  congregation  at- 
tached to  the  Vienna  monastery  may  be  cited  the 
scholar,  Katirdjian,  who  composed  an  universal  his- 
tory, and  Karacachian,  who  gave  <"o  the  world  a  crit- 
ical history  of  ancient  Armenia.  Ai'dinian,  another 
philologist,  published  a  scientific  grammar  of  the 
spoken  language  and  to  the  pen  of  Tachian  is  due  a 
series  of  critical  works.  In  addition  to  this  purely 
literary  effort,  the  Mekhitarist  fathers  founded,  in 
1836,  schools  in  Paris,  Venice  and  Constantinople 
for  the  education  of  Armenian  youth,  devoting  to 
this  purpose  generous  bequests  made  to  them  by  two 
Armenians  of  Madras,  Mourad  and  Raphael. 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     123 

The  impetus  given  to  study  by  the  Mekhitarists 
spread  rapidly.  Ermine,  Oscan,  Patcanof  and 
khalatiantz  published  in  Russia  numerous  works 
including  annotated  editions  of  ancient  authors,  and 
scholarly  ecclesiastics  of  the  convent  of  Etchmiazin 
pursued  with  success  higher  Armenian  studies. 
Father  Chahnazarian  issued  in  Paris  the  text  of  the 
unpublished  works  of  several  historians.  All  fields 
of  literary  activity  are  explored  by  the  Armenians 
of  Turkey.  The  most  prominent  note,  however, 
whether  it  be  in  poetry,  the  drama  or  romance,  is 
given  by  French  literature. 

The  vulgar  or  spoken  tongue  is  henceforth  des- 
tined to  dominate  Armenian  literature.  This  lan- 
guage has  been  enriched  by  the  study  of  old  Arme- 
nian classics  to  such  a  degree  that  it  is  able  accurately 
to  express  any  thought.  French  has  played  a  happy 
part  in  molding  this  vehicle,  which  has,  however, 
carefully  preserved  grammatical  inflections  bor- 
rowed from  Touranian  sources  and  principally  from 
the  Turkish  language. 

Until  1 84 1  the  Patriarchate  of  Constantinople 
was  under  the  absolute  autocratic  authority  of  the 
Patriarchs.  The  spread  of  education  begot  new 
conditions  and  brought  about  the  existence  of  a  new 
generation  which  gave  to  all  classes  the  right  to 
share  in  those  matters  directly  affecting  the  entire 
Armenian  community.  A  Board  of  Government 
was  therefore  created,  composed  of  fourteen  ecclesi- 
astics and  twenty  laymen,  charged  with  the  general 
administration  of  the  affairs  of  the  Patriarchate. 
Questions  of  rivalry  were  not  excluded.  A  group 
of  intellectuals,  composed  of  Balian,  Odian,  Servican 
and  Roussignan,  drafted  new  by-laws  in  order  to 


124    ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

bring  about  an  improvement  in  the  conduct  of  affairs. 
These  by-laws  were  amended  a  short  while  there- 
after and  in  1863  were  approved  by  the  Porte  pursu- 
ant to  a  decree  issued  by  Abdul  Aziz,  This  firman, 
which  may  be  styled  the  Constitution  of  the  Arme- 
nians of  Turkey,  provides  for  the  creation  of  a  gen- 
eral assembly  enjoying  legislative  attributes  and 
composed  of  deputies  who  exercise  supervisory  con- 
trol over  all  matters  within  the  competence  of  the 
General  Assembly.  The  active  management  is  con- 
fided to  a  board  composed  of  ecclesiastics  and  lay- 
men, presided  over  by  the  Patriarch  and  chosen  by 
the  Assembly. 

This  new  management  has  nat  yet  been  able  to 
evolve  a  plan  bringing  about  an  improvement  in 
the  condition  of  the  schools  and  the  charitable  insti- 
tutions of  the  community.  The  Armenian  college, 
founded  at  Paris,  enjoyed  but  an  ephemeral  exist- 
ence. It  was  only  through  the  generosity  of  Nubar 
Pasha  that  the  secondary  school  established  at  Con- 
stantinople has  been  able  to  continue  its  work. 
Nevertheless  an  association  exists,  known  as  the 
Miatzial,  composed  of  the  educated  Armenian  youth 
of  the  land,  and  having  for  its  object  the  spread  of 
education  in  the  provinces.  The  generous  assist- 
ance of  the  Nubar  family  has  found  renewed  ex- 
pression in  the  endowments  of  Boghos  Nubar  Pasha. 
The  creation  of  the  important  national  school  of 
Cairo  and  the  allotment  of  prize  money  for  poor 
students  are  invaluable  works  due  to  his  patriotic 
beneficence.  To  him  also  does  the  nation  owe  that 
great  philanthropic  movement  known  as  the  Arme- 
nian Union. 

When  the  Turco-Russian  war  broke  out  in  1878 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     125 

the  Patriarchal  See  of  Constantinople  had  been  oc- 
cupied for  two  years  by  Nerses,  a  most  distinguished 
prelate,  and  in  high  favor  at  the  Porte,  The  Rus- 
sian army  of  the  Caucasus,  commanded  by  an  Arme- 
nian, General  Loris-Melikoff,  captured  Kars,  Bayesit 
and  Erzroum.  The  Treaty  of  San  Stef ano  followed 
wherein  it  was  specifically  provided  (Article  XVI), 
that  "  inasmuch  as  the  evacuation  by  Russian  troops 
of  Armenian  territory  now  occupied  by  them  and 
which  must  be  restored  to  Turkey,  may  give  rise  to 
conflicts  and  complications  prejudicial  to  the  good 
relations  of  the  two  countries,  the  Sublime  Porte 
binds  and  obligates  itself  to  carry  Into  effect  without 
delay  the  reforms  and  improvements  called  for  by 
local  needs  in  those  provinces  inhabited  by  the  Ar- 
menians and  to  guarantee  their  security  against  the 
Kurds  and  the  Circassians." 

When  Europe  learned  of  the  provisions  of  the 
Treaty  of  San  Stefano  it  was  decreed  that  a  Con- 
gress should  be  held  and  the  Eastern  question  sub- 
mitted to  it  and  not  thus  left  largely  to  the  arbitra- 
ment of  Russia  and  Turkey.  This  convention  was 
held  in  Berlin  in  the  summer  of  1878  but  before 
it  opened  its  doors  a  secret  agreement  was  entered 
into  by  Great  Britain  and  Turkey,  known  as  the 
Cyprus  accord,  and  which  specifically  provided  that : 
*'  Should  Russia  keep  possession  of  Batoum,  Arda- 
han  and  Kars  or  any  one  of  them  or  should  any  at- 
tempt be  made  by  Russia  at  any  epoch  whatsoever, 
to  seize  any  other  part  of  the  Asiatic  territory  of 
His  Imperial  Majesty  the  Sultan,  as  said  territory 
may  be  defined  by  the  definitive  treaty  of  peace, 
then  and  in  that  event  England  binds  herself  to  take 
up  arms  for  the  defense  of  the  territory  in  question. 


126     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

On  the  other  hand,  His  Imperial  Majesty  the  Sul- 
tan promises  England  to  introduce  such  reforms 
(to  be  defined  at  a  subsequent  date  between  the 
Powers)  as  may  be  necessary  for  an  orderly  admin- 
istration and  the  protection  of  the  Christian  and 
other  subjects  of  the  Sublime  Porte;  and  In  order 
that  England  may  be  in  a  position  to  assure  the 
necessary  means  for  the  execution  of  her  engage- 
ment, His  Imperial  Majesty  the  Sultan  consents  to 
assign  unto  her  the  island  of  Cyprus,  to  be  by  her 
occupied  and  administered." 

As  soon  as  the  Armenian  ecclesiastical  authori- 
ties learned  that  it  was  proposed  to  revise  the  Treaty 
of  San  Stefano  a  delegation  was  sent  to  Berlin  which 
asked  that  "  the  country  of  the  Armenians  be  placed 
under  a  Christian  Governor-General,  that  a  Christian 
militia  be  created  and  that  there  be  a  reorganization 
of  the  finances,  courts  and  constabulary  of  the  coun- 
try. 

While  the  Berlin  Congress  was  in  session  Lord 
Salisbury  declared  that  he  was  in  favor  of  accepting 
the  last  three  lines  of  Article  XVI  of  the  Treaty  of 
San  Stefano  before  cited  and  which  set  forth  that 
*'  reforms  and  Improvements  "  should  be  accorded 
the  Armenians,  but  that  his  acceptance  was  predi- 
cated upon  the  condition  that  the  first  three  lines  of 
the  article  should  be  eliminated,  as  they  Implied,  or 
might  be  held  to  imply,  that  evacuation  was  con- 
tingent upon  the  execution  of  the  "  reforms  and  im- 
provements." Discussion  ensued  and  a  definitive 
agreement  was  finally  arrived  which  became  Article 
LXI  of  the  Treaty  of  Berlin,  the  language  of  which 
is  as  follows :  "  The  Sublime  Porte  binds  itself  to 
realize,  without  further  delay,  the  improvements  and 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     127 

reforms  necessitated  by  local  requirements  in  the 
provinces  inhabited  by  the  Armenians  and  to  guar- 
antee their  security  against  the  Kurds  and  Circas- 
sians. The  Sublime  Porte  will  periodically  furnish 
information  to  the  Powers  in  respect  to  the  measures 
which  have  been  taken  for  this  purpose.  The  Pow- 
ers will  superintend  the  application  of  these  meas- 
ures." 

In  other  words,  the  Treaty  of  San  Stefano  would, 
in  the  opinion  of  Great  Britain,  have  permitted  Rus- 
sia to  refuse  to  evacuate  the  territory  occupied  by  it 
until  the  '*  reforms  and  improvements  "  were  exe- 
cuted, whereas  the  Berlin  Convention  enforced  Rus- 
sian evacuation  and  made  it  the  duty  of  Turkey  to 
report  periodically  to  Europe  as  to  the  measures 
which  were  taken  and  also  made  it  incumbent  upon 
Europe  to  see  that  the  "  reforms  and  improve- 
ments "  were  executed. 

A  voluminous  dossier,  heavy  telegraph  tolls,  and 
heavier  tolls  in  human  lives  stand  as  monuments  to 
the  significance  of  the  reports  of  Turkey  and  the 
vigilance  with  which  Europe  executed  the  trust  as- 
sumed by  it  in  Berlin,  in  June,   1878. 

The  government  of  Abdul  Hamid,  far  from  safe- 
guarding public  security  and  guaranteeing  the  or- 
derly administration  of  justice,  encouraged  the  pro- 
vincial authorities  to  introduce  into  and  continue  in 
the  eastern  districts  a  systematic  campaign  of  mur- 
der and  pillage. 

A  secret  society  was  formed  in  Geneva  In  1887 
by  a  few  students  and  young  men  who  gave  to  their 
organization  the  name  and  style  of  Hintchak  and 
took  for  their  motto  and  rallying  cry  the  revendica- 
tion  of  those  reforms  called  for  by  the  crying  needs 


128     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

of  the  Armenian  provinces.  The  Sultan,  badly  ad- 
vised by  the  servile  coterie  which  surrounded  him, 
gave  orders  that  the  Armenians  should  be  closely 
watched  and  proceeded  against  on  the  slightest  prov- 
ocation. An  ill-conceived  search  carried  out  in  a 
church  at  Erzroum  in  1890  caused  the  death  of 
twenty  innocent  Armenians.  The  members  of  the 
Hintchak  were  so  provoked  by  this  wanton  outrage 
that  they  permitted  their  feelings  to  cause  them  to 
organize  an  ill-considered  movement  in  the  moun- 
tains of  Sassoun,  near  Mouche.  On  the  other  hand 
bands  of  marauders,  backed  up  by  the  army,  burned 
down  thirty  villages  after  killing  all  of  the  inhab- 
itants thereof. ,  Between  three  and  four  thousand 
were  killed;  two  hundred  women  were  outraged  and 
carried  away  to  live  a  life  which  was  sadder  to  them 
than  death. 

The  consuls  of  the  Powers  began  an  inquiry  and 
the  ambassadors  met  and  submitted  to  the  Porte 
(1895),  a  plan  of  reforms  for  the  six  vilayets  of 
Erzroum,  Van,  Bitlis,  Kharpout,  Diarbekir  and 
Sivas,  but  pen  and  paper  did  not  prevent  the  Sul- 
tan and  his  advisers  from  organizing  the  systematic 
Armenian  massacres  of  1895  and  1896.  The  butch- 
ery began  at  Trebizond  and  spread  to  Erzroum,  Bit- 
lis, Malatia,  Eghine,  Sivas,  Diarbekir,  Ourfa  and 
Van.  Finally  the  scene  shifted  to  the  capital  of 
the  Ottoman  Empire  and  there,  at  Constantinople 
under  the  very  eyes  of  those  ambassadors  whose 
governments  had  entered  into  a  solemn  covenant  at 
Berlin  in  1878  to  superintend  the  execution  of  Ar- 
menian reforms,  during  three  days  and  as  many 
nights,  Armenians  were  slaughtered.  The  number 
of  the  victims  of  this  unbridled  but  organized  fanat- 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS    129 

icism  soon  ran  up  to  more  than  150,000,  without 
those  orphans  and  widows  who  died  of  misery  and 
privations.  Not  satisfied  with  the  blood  which 
flowed,  police  agents  carried  on  a  policy  of  vexatious 
annoyance  against  those  Armenians  who  survived. 
The  reign  of  persecution  did  not  cease  until  Mgr. 
Ormanian  was  elevated  to  the  Patriarchal  chair  in 
November,  1896. 

The  new  Patriarch,  a  prelate  of  deep  learning, 
organized  the  seminary  of  Armach  and  proved  him- 
self a  statesman  of  consummate  tact  and  an  admin- 
istrator of  rare  ability.  He  did  his  utmost  to  main- 
tain cordial  relations  with  the  Ottoman  Government 
and  to  lessen  the  weight  of  the  cross  which  the  Ar- 
menians were  called  upon  to  carry.  Many  of  them 
found  that  their  only  hope  lay  in  turning  their  steps 
towards  the  United  States  of  America,  where  a  col- 
ony was  found  in  1882  which  in  a  very  short  time 
numbered  50,000  souls. 

The  Armenians  of  Zeitoun,  in  the  Taurus  Moun- 
tains, numbering  10,000,  had  until  1862  enjoyed 
certain  special  privileges,  in  return  for  the  payment 
of  tribute.  At  that  time,  however,  the  Pasha  of 
Marache,  under  the  pretext  of  settling  a  dispute  be- 
tween the  Armenians  and  Turcomans  of  the  village 
of  Alabache,  marched  against  the  mountaineers  at 
the  head  of  an  army  of  Bachibozouks.  The  attack- 
ing party  was  met  by  a  lively  fire  but  numerical  supe- 
riority enabled  the  Pasha  to  surround  the  Arme- 
nians and  when  famine  stared  them  in  the  face  they 
were  compelled  to  agree  to  the  appointment  of  a 
Muhammadan  Mudir  and  the  construction  of  bar- 
racks upon  the  heights  of  Zeitoun.  An  extra  tax 
was  imposed  upon  the  Armenians  in  1878  and  this 


130    ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

measure  provoked  another  appeal  to  force  which 
was  brought  to  a  sudden  termination  when  the  Sub- 
lime Porte,  pursuant  to  representations  made  by 
the  French  Ambassador,  decreed  a  general  amnesty. 
Following  the  Armenian  massacres  of  1895,  the 
mountaineers  of  Zeitoun,  under  the  instigation  of 
the  revolutionary  committee  of  Hintchak,  again  took 
up  arms  and  baffled  the  Turkish  army  for  an  entire 
month  when  the  Powers  intervened  and  put  an  end 
to  the  then  pending  contest. 

No  ethnical  group  forming  part  of  the  Ottoman 
Empire  hailed  with  greater  joy  the  revolution  of 
1908,  the  proclamation  of  an  Ottoman  constitution 
and  the  fall  of  Abdul  Hamid,  in  1909,  than  did 
the  Armenians.  At  the  very  moment  when  Con- 
stantinople was  agonizing  under  the  last  brutal  meas- 
ures of  the  Red  Sultan,  a  new  and  terrible  massacre 
was  accomplishing  its  hideous  work  at  Adana,  in 
Cilicia,  under  the  complacent  eyes  of  the  authorities, 
acting  in  concert  with  the  Young  Turks,  who  were 
never  able  to  forgive  the  Armenians  for  that  spirit 
of  equality  which  permeates  the  very  marrow  of  the 
bone  of  the  Armenian  race;  20,000  Armenians 
were  butchered,  cities  were  pillaged  and  villages 
blotted  out.  Populations  without  arms  were  at- 
tacked and  slaughtered,  but  brutality  was  as  prudent 
as  it  was  cruel  and  abstained  from  braving  the  moun- 
tain fastnesses  where  the  armed  mountaineers  of 
Zeitoun  were  prepared  to  exact  a  toll  before  giving 
up  their  lives. 

The  cruel  treatment  meted  out  to  this  unhappy 
district  was  as  impolitic  as  it  was  savage,  as  the  Ar- 
menians there  resident  had  always  lived  on  friendly 
terms  with  the  Turks  and  were  fired  by  sentiments 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     131 

of  the  most  loyal  and  sincere  Ottoman  patriotism. 
In  thus  resorting  to  barbarity  in  order  to  arrest  the 
march  of  that  progress  and  of  that  civilization  to 
which  Armenians  aspired,  the  guiding  forces  of  the 
Empire  compromised  the  destinies  committed  to 
their  care. 

While  the  Young  Turks  were  loudly  proclaiming 
a  doctrine  of  equality  and  of  the  need  of  reforms, 
brigandage,  murders  and  spoliations  continued  as  in 
the  past,  from  one  to  the  other  of  the  eastern  dis- 
tricts of  the  Turkish  Empire.  The  question  of  re- 
forms called  for  by  the  crying  needs  of  these  prov- 
inces, where  Christians  and  Muhammadans  suffered 
from  the  same  evils,  had  been  discussed  at  the  Con- 
gress of  Berlin,  ( 1 879 ) ,  and  again  at  Constantinople 
in  1895.  George  V,  the  Catholicos,  deeply  afflicted 
by  the  failure  of  the  efforts  of  the  Patriarchate  of 
Constantinople,  appointed  a  delegation  under  the 
Presidency  of  Boghos  Nubar  Pasha  ( 1913)  in  order 
to  demand  the  help  of  those  Powers  called  upon  to 
solve  the  questions  brought  about  by  the  Balkan 
war.  The  tact  and  high  standing  of  the  delega- 
tion named  by  the  Catholicos  afforded  a  guarantee 
that  their  efforts  were  destined  to  succeed,  partic- 
ularly so  as  no  attempt  was  made  to  formulate  new 
demands  or  to  open  up  new  questions  but  it  was  pro- 
posed merely  to  insist  upon  the  execution  of  reforms 
which  had  been  solemnly  covenanted  and  reaffirmed 
time  after  time.  Notwithstanding  the  bitter  resent- 
ment of  the  Young  Turks  against  the  revendications 
of  the  Armenians,  and  in  the  face  of  their  policy  of 
procrastination  and  of  circumventing  a  decision,  the 
necessary  preliminaries  set  in  motion  by  the  ambassa- 
dors of  Russia  and  of  Germany  held  out  hopes  of  a 


132     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

happy  solution.  It  had  been  agreed  that  certain 
Inspectors-General  should  be  appointed  to  super- 
vise the  execution  of  the  reforms,  and  Dutch  and 
Swedish  delegates,  charged  with  such  a  mission,  were 
on  their  way  to  their  posts,  when  the  great  war 
broke  out  in  19 14  and  put  an  end  to  Armenian  re- 
forms, to  the  great  joy  of  the  Young  Turks. 

The  Armenians  of  Russia  had  naught  but  words 
of  praise  for  the  security  and  protection  enjoyed  by 
them  from  the  day  of  their  deliverance  from  the 
thraldom  of  the  Persian  yoke.  They  acquired  for 
themselves  a  preeminent  position  in  the  Caucasus, 
thanks  to  their  laborious  spirit  and  those  qualities 
which  enabled  them  readily  to  assimilate  the  fruits 
of  progress  and  of  civilization.  They  held  the  first 
rank  in  the  work  of  national  rejuvenation.  That 
spirit  of  absolutism  and  that  tendency  towards  ab- 
sorption, which  became  accentuated  during  the  reigns 
of  Czars  Alexander  III  and  of  Nicholas  I,  towards 
the  end  of  the  nineteenth  century  (1880)  necessarily 
engendered  a  great  deal  of  discontent  and  gave  rise 
to  a  spread  of  revolutionary  ideas  in  Russia.  Ar- 
menians founded  at  Tiflis  (1890)  a  new  secret  com- 
mittee known  as  the  Daschnak  or  federation  which 
found  adherents  in  Russia  and  Turkey.  This  com- 
mittee fell  under  the  disfavor  of  the  Russian  Gov- 
ernment and  the  spirit  thus  aroused  resulted  in  a 
far-reaching  campaign  against  Armenian  intellec- 
tuals. Schools  were  closed  and  it  was  proposed  to 
confiscate  the  national  property.  These  measures 
exasperated  the  Armenians  who  desired  to  defend 
themselves  against  the  Cossacks  who  fell  upon  them. 
The  reactionary  Russian  authorities  appealed  to  the 
dregs  of  the  Tatar  population  and  incited  this  rabble 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     133 

against  the  Armenians  and  thus  provoked  bloody  en- 
counters between  Tatar  and  Armenian  at  Bakou, 
Souch  and  Nakdjevan  ( 1905).  Thousands  of  dead 
bodies  were  piled  up  in  the  streets  before  quiet  was 
restored.  Shortly  after  this  charges  of  high  treason 
were  brought  against  the  militant  party  of  the  Dach- 
nak.  Over  500  members  were  brought  to  St.  Pet- 
ersburg only  to  be  released  when  it  was  found  that 
the  charges  against  them  were  vague  and  proof  of 
guilt  inexistent.  When  all  of  the  evidence  is  sifted 
It  is  seen  that  the  intellectual  elite  of  Armenia  cried 
out  against  tyranny  and  the  attempts  of  the  authori- 
ties to  Russianize  the  Armenians  of  the  Caucasus. 

During  the  course  of  the  nineteenth  century  a 
steady  flow  of  Armenian  emigration  from  Persia  to 
Russia  brought  about  a  falling  off  of  the  number  of 
Armenians  in  Persia.  It  is  believed  that  to-day 
there  are  but  70,000  Armenians  in  Persia  scattered 
principally  through  the  regions  of  Tebris  and  Ader- 
beijan  ^  and  in  the  towns  of  Teheran,  Ispahan  ^  and 
Mollestes.  At  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury Persian  intolerance  made  itself  felt,  but  as  the 
result  of  praiseworthy  efforts  in  behalf  of  public  in- 
struction the  Armenians  of  Persia  were  able  to  live 
in  peace  and  to  ameliorate  their  lot,  without  the 
shedding  of  blood. 

The  majority  of  Armenians  belong  to  the  Na- 
tional Church.  There  are,  however,  180,000  Ro- 
man Catholics  scattered  principally  through  Con- 
stantinople, Angora,  Aleppo,  Mardin,  Trebizond, 
Artvin  and  Akhaltzik  (Caucasus),  Ispahan  (Persia) 
and  Lemberg   (Galicia).     The  Protestant  commu- 

1  Khoi,  Urmia,  Salmast,  Souk-Boulak. 

2  New  Djoulfa. 


134    ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

nity,  which  is  estimated  at  60,000  or  70,000  souls, 
forms  compact  bodies  at  Constantinople,  Merza- 
foun,  Kharpout  and  A'lntab,  where  there  are  im- 
portant schools  established  by  American  mission- 
aries, who  have  rendered  signal  service  in  the  spread 
of  education.  There  are  also  some  10,000  Armeno- 
Greeks.  This  sect  was  very  numerous  during  the 
Byzantine  days,  but  it  is  now  fused  into  the  Greek 
element. 

The  Armenians  of  Turkey  before  the  great  war 
numbered  approximately  1,800,000  and  were  di- 
vided as  follows : — 

1.  Armenian  provinces  of  Anatolia....     950,000 

2.  Cilicia  (Sis,  Adana,  Marach) 150,000 

3.  Other  regions  of  Turkey 700,000 


1,800,000 


Groups  one  and  two  constitute  the  most  numerous 
ethnical  element  not  only  among  the  races  who  peo- 
ple the  vilayets  or  provinces  of  Erzroum,  Van,  Bit- 
lis,  Diarbekir,  Kharpout  and  Sivas  but  also  of  Cili- 
cia, deduction  being  made  of  the  districts  of  Hehki- 
ari  including  Seert,  Mardine,  Siverek,  Behesni,  Se- 
lefke,  Azizie,  Tokat  and  Amassis. 

Although  the  breaking  out  of  the  war  put  an  end 
to  all  further  idea  of  reforms  the  Young  Turks, 
now  the  Committee  of  Union  and  Progress,  evolved 
the  unspeakable  idea  of  exterminating  the  Armeni- 
ans in  order  thus  to  put  an  end  to  the  Armenian 
question.  It  was,  thereupon,  agreed  in  secret  by 
and  between  the  influential  members  of  the  Com- 
mittee, such  as  Enver,  Talaat  and  their  associates 
of  the  one  part  and  Nazim,  Behaeddine-Shakir  and 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     135 

other  nationalists  of  humble  origin  of  the  other 
part,  that  the  Armenians  and  other  Christians  should 
be  annihilated  if  and  when  circumstances  should  per- 
mit. This  heinous  plan  found  an  echo  all  the  more 
willingly  in  the  souls  of  the  Turks  because  the  Ar- 
menians were  inspired  by  a  sense  of  lively  sympathy 
for  the  French  and  English  and  for  the  Allied  cause 
generally,  many  Armenians  having  already  enrolled 
as  volunteers  in  the  armies  of  the  Allies. 

While  the  conspirators  were  awaiting  a  propitious 
moment  in  which  to  begin  their  carnival  of  blood- 
shed several  preparatory  attacks  were  made  upon 
the  Armenians  in  December,  19 14,  principally  in 
Van,  Mouche,  Samsoum,  and  Karahissar  and  wher- 
ever any  resistance  was  offered  to  the  exactions  made 
of  them.  The  Armenians  of  Van  were  able  to  find 
a  refuge  in  the  Caucasus,  but  elsewhere  everything 
was  swept  away  in  a  torrent  of  blood  and  devasta- 
tion. The  mountaineers  of  Djebel-Moussa,  to  the 
north  of  Antioch,  defended  themselves  most  heroi- 
cally and,  to  the  number  of  4,000,  were  able  to  find 
a  haven  of  safety  aboard  French  cruisers.  At  Con- 
stantinople a  number  of  Armenian  men  of  educa- 
tion, among  whom  were  members  of  the  Ottoman 
Parliament,  were  sent  as  exiles  into  the  provinces. 
Of  these  some  died  of  want  and  suffering;  others 
were  favored  by  chance  and  managed  to  survive. 
The  methodical  work  of  definitive  extermination  be- 
gan in  June,  19 15,  shortly  after  the  failure  of  the 
attack  upon  the  Dardanelles.  Acting  in  accord  with 
the  German  authorities,  both  civil  and  military,  the 
government  decreed  the  deportation  of  the  entire 
Armenian  people,  with  the  single  exception  of  those 
resident  in  Constantinople.     This  deviation  from  an 


136    ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

otherwise  universal  and  absolute  rule  was  born  of 
a  desire  to  hide  the  true  inwardness  of  the  movement 
from  the  American  Ambassador.  The  provincial 
authorities,  military  commanders,  police  agents,  and 
constabulary  hastened  to  execute  the  orders  which 
had  been  issued  and  which  were  to  the  effect  that  the 
Armenians  were,  without  delay,  to  be  driven  from 
their  homes  and  tortured  or  exterminated  either  on 
their  way  to  concentration  camps  which  had  been  es- 
tablished or  in  these  camps  themselves.  It  must  be 
said,  however,  that  certain  governors  refused  to  exe- 
cute such  savage  orders.  The  names  of  Rahmi  Bey 
in  charge  of  the  Smyrna  district  and  of  Fai'k  Bey  at 
Kutahia  may  be  cited.  The  first  named  contented 
himself  with  exacting  a  monetary  tribute  from  the 
condemned;  the  second  displayed  a  humanitarianism 
of  the  highest  type  and  a  sense  of  honor  of  impec- 
cable alloy.  Other  subordinates  hesitated  and  were 
replaced  by  docile  tools;  while  certain  governors, 
such  as  the  governors  of  Angora,  Swas,  Kharpout, 
Diarbekir  and  Van,  carried  out  their  orders  with  an 
unprecedented  refinement  of  cruelty. 

The  work  of  deportation  was  executed  every- 
where, in  all  the  nooks  and  corners  of  the  land  from 
Andrianople  to  Adana,  Malatia,  Kharpout,  Diarbe- 
kir, Erzroum,  Sivas,  Tokat,  Amassia,  Samsoum  and 
Trebizond,  without  excepting  the  districts  of 
Broussa  and  of  Ismit.  The  rule  was  first  applied 
to  the  male  population.  The  young  were  thrown 
into  prison,  the  elderly  were  told  to  depart  within  a 
delay  of  twenty-four  hours  and  the  priests  were 
burned  to  death.  Then  the  women  and  children 
were  arrested.  In  many  instances  women  were 
forced    to    embrace    Muhammadanism    to    escape 


ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS     137 

death.  As  soon  as  they  left  the  caravans  were  at- 
tacked by  the  constabulary  and  brigands  who  acted 
in  concert.  All  conceivable  forms  of  torture  were 
applied.  The  men  were  killed,  and  the  women  and 
girls  violated  and  then  killed.  At  Trebizond  it  was 
found  simpler  to  sink  the  barges  containing  the  refu- 
gees.^ 

Not  less  terrible  was  the  fate  of  those  who  finally 
reached  the  concentration  camps  located  at  Sultania, 
Aleppo,  Damascus  and  in  Mesopotamia.  There 
the  unfortunate  survivors,  insufficiently  clothed  and 
without  food,  were  devoured  by  disease,  and  victims 
without  number  found  relief  in  death  from  sheer  ex- 
haustion, want  and  suffering."* 

Representatives  of  the  local  authorities  were 
charged  with  the  liquidation  of  the  property  and 
effects  of  the  deported.  The  movable  effects  were 
destroyed  or  distributed  among  the  Muhammadan 
population  to  encourage  the  True  Believers  in  their 
work  of  extermination.  Real  property  was  sub- 
jected to  the  same  treatment. 

It  would  be  a  work  of  supererogation  to  attempt 
to  draw  up  statistics  establishing  the  number  of  vic- 
tims of  the  sanguinary  work  organized  and  carried 
out  during  the  war  by  the  Young  Turks.  It  may 
be  stated,  however,  that  fifty  per  cent,  of  the  Arme- 
nian population  of  Turkey  was  sent  to  an  untimely 
grave.  If  the  Turks  have  thus  furnished  indisput- 
able evidence  of  a  cruelty  unequaled  in  the  annals 
of  history,  the  part  played  in  this  hideous  drama  by 

*  Many  authorities  may  be  adduced  in  support  of  these  state- 
ments. Among  others  may  be  cited  the  reports  of  the  American 
missionaries,  of  German  Red  Cross  nurses,  of  Dr.  Martin  Nilpage, 
of  the  German  School  of  Aleppo  and  of  Dr.  Lipsius. 

*  Report  of  the  American  Armenian  and  Syrian  Relief  Committee. 


138     ARMENIA  AND  THE  ARMENIANS 

their  Teutonic  Allies  is  no  less  reprehensible,  for 
far  from  acting  as  restraining  influences  the  latter 
counseled  the  crimes  which  sullied  a  record  which 
was  already  black.  The  work  of  annihilation  which 
has  been  carried  out  beggars  description.  If  some 
parts  of  Turkey  in  Asia  appear  to  show  signs  of  life, 
all  that  country  bordering  upon  the  Black  Sea  and 
running  to  the  Persian  frontier  represents  to-day 
nothing  but  a  picture  of  desolation  and  death. 


THE   END 


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